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No. 103. 

I.—Points in the History of the Greek and Indo-Scythian Kings in Bactria, 
Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering the ancient legends on their 

coins. By Christian Lassen, Bonn, 1838. (continued. ) soee sees 

II.—Abstract Report of the Proceedings of the Committee appointed to super- 
intend the Boring Operations in Fort William, from their commencement in 
December, 1835, to their close in April, 1840. By Col. D. McLeod. .... 

I1I.—Report on a line of Levels taken by order of the Right Honorable the 
Governor General, between the Jumna and Sutlej rivers. By Lieut. W. E. 
Baker, Superintendent of Canals West of the Jumna..... obs eeee 

I1V.—Memoir on the Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). By Lieut. 
Wiekelle os. aes cece esos eee eeee pieiee 

V.—Sketch of the Physical Geography of ae By Captain Edward Conolly, 
6th Cavalry. afeiale aes peers ele stall SERS 

VI.—Proceedings of the Avahe Epa nee see sees uses 

No. 104. 

I.—Points in the History of the Greek and Indo-Scythian Kings in Bactria, 
Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering the ancient legends on their 
coins. By Christian Lassen, Bonn, 1838. (concluded. ) ane 456 

I] —Paper on Ancient Land Grants on Copper, discovered in Assam. Com- 
municated by Major F. Jenkins, Governor General’s Agent N. E. 
Frontier. (with plate. ) ahaioka sees ode maiete seme 

III.—Memoir on the Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan.) By Tieut. 
Tickell, (concluded. ) stereia sade Ae Bete ese 

IV.—Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, and the adjacent Districts. By Captain Fisher, 
formerly Superintendent of Kachar and Jynta. .. PS oeee : 

V.—Memorandum on the’Silk Trade between Shikarpore and Khorassan, 6 
on the produce of Indigo in Sinde. By Lieut. J. Postans, Assistant Poli- 
tical Agent, Upper Sinde. .... esee eisai eriale sees ooee 

VI.—On the Historical Geography of Hindustan, and the origin of the Social 
State among the Hindus. By Jas. Bird, Esq..... 00 a wee sees 

VII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, .. Spears ones reine eres 









iv Contents. 

No. 105. 

I.—Description of, and deductions from a consideration of some new Bactrian 
coins. By Lieut. Alexander Cunningham, Engineers. eee ooee 
11.—Notes of a March from Brimham Ghat on the Nerbudda, to Umurkuntuk, 
the Source of that River. By G. Spilsbury, Esq. (with plate.) «s.+ wees 
III.—Notice of Amulets in use by the Trans-Himalayan Boodhists. By W.E. 
Carte, Esq. (with plate.) aeae SO erie ACE RE OCS teas 
IV.—Report on the Country between Kien Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde. 
By Capt. E. P. De la Hoste, Assistant Quarter-Master General. .. eae 
V.—Narrative of facts attending the Wreck of the Transport ‘¢ Indian Oak,” 
on the Loochoo Islands; communicated from the Political Secretariat Office, 
Government of India. ese cose cece eece sels 
VI.—Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. By the late cam Edward 
Conolly. .... Soon aoe =< Aor Sane : 
VII.—Extract from Bees of the Numismatic Society of London, 1837. 38, 
VIII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. . 

No. 106. 

I.—Extracts from the Journal of an Expedition into the Naga Hills on the 
Assam Frontier. By Lieut. Grange, Assistant Political Agent, undertaken 
by order of Government in the beginning of 1840, (taken by permission from 
the records of the Political Secretariat under the Government of India).... 

Il.—A short Memoir of Mechithar Ghosh, the Armenian Legislator. By Johan- 
nes Avdall, Esq., M.A.S. &c. eee ae sis Sn 5 48e 

III.—Letters, forwarding a Paper on the formation of the Museum of Hebndinie 
Geology of India, from Captain Tremenheere, Engineers. 

IV.—Grammatical construction of the Ho language. By Lieut. Tickell. eoee 

V.—Note, to be appended to my account of the coins of Mayas, in the article on 
‘* Some New Bactrian Coins.’’ No. 105. By Lieut. A. Cunningham. .... 

_ VI.—A Third Memoir with reference to the Theory of the Law of Storms in 
India; being, Researches relating to the Hurricane in the Bay of Bengal, 
and at Cuttack, from 27th April to Ist May 1840. By H. Piddington, Esq... 
(with plates) 

VII-—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society..... 

No. 107. 

I.—Vocabulary of the Ho language. By Lieut. Tickell. .... ae ot wees 
II.--A short account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur, in North Sind. 
By Captain G. E, Westmacott, 37th Regiment Bengal Native Infantry..... 
III.—A cursory Notice of Nayakote. By B. H. Hodgson, Esq. Resident at 
the Court of Nepal. ooee bes oe at teks 
IV.—Fossil Shells discovered by Gaplain ae. ist Bavopean ee in the 
neighbourhood of Bajgah, foe (with plates) . 
V.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society,.. 











vee sees 2126 


Contents. Vv 
No. 108. 
I.—The Galvanic Battery in its various Practical Applications as an Igniting 
Agent. By Lieut. R. Baird Smith, Bengal Engineers, (with plate.) .... 1149 
II1.—On the Common Hare of the Gangetic Provinces, and of the Sub-Hema- 
- laya; with a slight notice of a strictly Hemalayan species. By B. H. 
Hodgson, Esq. Resident at the Court of Nepal.. sees cece . 1183 —= 
I11.—A Short account of Khyrpoor and the Forties of Bukur, in North Sind. 
By Captain G. E. Westmacott, 37th Regt. Bengal N. [. (concluded. ) .... 1187 
IV.—Three new Species of Monkey; with remarks on the genera Semnopi- 
thecus et Macacus. By B. H. Hodgson, Esq. .. Sarai See BT es red 
V.—General notice of the tribe of Kujjukzyes (Upper Sinde). By Capt. 
N. Hart, 2nd Regt. Grenadiers (Bombay Army.) cose eens ~ 1214 
VI.—Second Notice of some forged coins of the Bactrians and Indo-Scythians. 
By Lieut. Alexander Cunningham. (with plate.) als Nee - 1217 


Page. Page. 
Proceedings of the Committee ap- Sketch of the Physical Geography of 
pointed to superintend the Boring Seistan. By Capt. Edward Conolly, 
Operations in Fort William, from 6th Cavalry, esse sees 
their commencement in December, Vocabulary of the Ho language. By 

1835, to their close in April, 1840, Lieut. ‘Yickell, eae =seiteie LUGS 
Abstract Report of the, By Col. D. Wreck of the Transport ‘ Indian 
McLeod, Ty he tO Ay Oak,’’ on the Loochoo islands, 
Silk Trade between Shikarpore and Narrative of facts attending the, 
Khorassan, and the produce of In- Communicated from the Political 
digo in Sinde, Memorandum on the, Secretariat Office, Government of 

By Lieut. J. Postans, Assistant India, oe es a .. 916 

Political Agent, Upper Sinde,.... 843 




Points in the History of the Greek, and Indo-Scythian Kings 
in Bactria, Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering 
the ancient legends on their coins. By Curistian LASSEN, 
Bonn, 1838. 

Character of the Alphabet. 

The rule for reading the Alphabet is the Semitic, and this 
fact is the more remarkable, as the Indian characters of the 
immediate neighbourhood, as_ well as those occurring upon 
Greek coins, coeval with the most ancient coins on which the 
Cabulian characters occur, have never assumed this direction 
in all the varieties which the Indian alphabet has gone through 
within India and out of its confines. 

The arrow-headed inscriptions too have the same direction 
with the Indian, and though at least one variety of them 
does not express the a, following consonants, yet it has not, 
as the characters of the coins have, signs of the shortened 
vowels i and u. 

On the other hand, there is evidently in the legends a certain 
approximation to the Indian system of vowel-writing, not 
especially by the fact, that i and perhaps also u, even when 
short, are not denoted by marks on the consonants, nor by 
the other similarity, that they are not represented, even when 
long (with u however this is mere conjecture) by the correspond- 
ing quiescent semivowels j and v; for the first may occur in 

1 Continued from p. 488. vol. ix. 
No, 103. New Serigs, No. 19, AY se. 

628 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. 

Semitic alphabets, the latter may be omitted in them, especi- 
ally if they be applied to a foreign language ; but this approxi- 
mation of the vowel system is made remarkable by the pecu- 
liarity, that.a is not treated in the same manner with i, but | 
is considered inherent as in Indian languages. Whenever any 
Semitic language expresses the short vowels by smaller 
signs, it does so with a as well as with i and u: whenever it 
denotes the long vowels by quiescent consonants, similar to 
vowels, it applies for this purpose x as well as » and }. But 
all Indian alphabets represent, as our coins do, A, I, U, by 
their own signs only as initials to syllables, but never A, when 
following a consonant, and the other vowels only by abbrevia- 

The diphthongs, at least 6, do not follow the Indian system, 
according to which aa te, tai, ay, to, as well as @ fu, are 
written by abbreviated signs, they do not follow a Semitic 
system ; but the diphthongs are placed in the line with the other 
letters, and 6 has in the writing no reference to u; é has it not 
to ee; while instances of the uncontracted diphthongs di and du 
are wanting. The instance of Eukratides can decide nothing as 
to the system of orthography peculiar to the language. 

As the diphthongs are written in this language, so were all the 
vowels in Zend ; but that language distinguishes between long 
and short vowels, though the former are but amplifications of 
the latter. . 

Now supposing that the characters on the coins were a Semi- 
tic alphabet applied to an Indo-Iranian dialect, the shapes of 
the consonants, and the initial vowels, might be considered as of 
Semitic origin, the principle for the medial vowels would have 
been borrowed from the Indian system of orthography, while an 
independent principle was invented for the diphthongs; and if 
the orthography of the Zendic language were likewise of Semitic 
origin, the principle adopted on the legends for only 6, (and é) 
would have been extended in this language to all vowels. 

This conjecture embraces the postulate, that at the period 
when the characters on the coins were introduced, the Indian 
alphabet had already completed the system upon which its pe- 
culiar mode of representing the vowels is founded. 

1840. | Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 629 

This supposition may, I think, be proved correct. 

Let us first of all dismiss any consideration of the Semitic 
origin of both alphabets, and look to the reference they have one 
to another. If in the one, the system of vowels be of Indian 
origin, and in the other original (and peculiar to the language,) 
as above supposed, there can be no point of comparison. But 
with regard to the diphthong 6, it is worth remarking, that P, 6, 
has the form ? on later coms, but slightly differing from, and 
hence it would appear as if the Zendic alphabet had borrowed 
this 6 from the alphabet on the coins. This, however, does not 
hold good with é. 

By comparing the consonants, we find resemblances perhaps 
only between r and w, (not v, of the Zend alphabet), and n, in 
which, however, the similarity is very obvious, though we in fact 

are comparing two extreme points only, viz. the characters on 

the coins in their most ancient form, and the Zendic character 
of wholly modern manuscripts. With other letters we only 
require a common medium of comparison to ascertain their rela- 
tion, as for instance with m, dh, and others. 

I do not propose to carry this comparison further, which to 
afford satisfactory evidence, would require us to obtain in the first 
instance the characters of the coins in their latest shapes; and 
would also necessitate us to point out in the Zendic alphabet, 
what characters were subjected to a change of shape, to which the 
nasals are especially liable. Lastly, it would not be sufficient to 
confine our comparison to these two alphabets ; all other alpha- 
bets must be similarly considered, which in a geographical 
and historical point of view are included in the same circle as 
these, viz. the Pehlvi characters of the books of the Parsees, so 
intimately connected with the Zendic character, as well as the 
various characters of the Sassanian monuments. All of them 
are closely connected, first, in a geographical point of view, as 
they are the native tongues in the countries west of the Indus, 
and east of the Euphrates, viz., in Iran, probably so called ; and 
secondly, in an historical point of view, as they came into use in 
the period intervening between Alexander the Great and the 
invasion of the Mahomedans. 

Without at all deciding on the time’ when the Zendic 

630 Lassen on the History traced [No. 1038. 

works were first composed, it is certainly evident, that the 
characters of the coins, appearing before the dominion of the 
Sassanians, were the most ancient of the alphabets of Central 
Tran. | 

The characters on the coins are therefore of special im- 
portance with regard to their relations to Semitic alphabets, 
before proposed as a mere conjecture, and if we do consider 
that it was during the dominion of the Seleucides, and their 
successors, in use in Bactria and Parthia, we must look for 
the model upon which they are formed, in the capitals of the 
Seleucidian power, if their origin from the west be admitted. 
The comparison must consequently specially include all that 
may be most likely to afford us an idea of the Syrian alphabet, 
as it was in use under the Seleucides, such as the inscriptions of 
Palmyra, though the most ancient of them is nearly a century 
and a half later than the characters on the coins. 

These conjectures pretend to no more authority than is 
implied in them as mere suggestions, and they must not hinder 
us from determining more exactly the alphabet on the coins in 
a geographical and chronological point of view. 

Its geographical limits are connected with the extent of the 
Greco-Bactrian and Indo-Scythian power southward from the 
Indian Caucasus. None of the Greek kings who reigned in 
Bactria only has made use of this alphabet on his coins, and 
even of those who have adopted them, Hukratides perhaps alone 
possessed territories in Bactria, as well as southward from the 
Caucasus. | 

To this we must add the following : the Kanerkis, who, while 
passing towards India, must have lingered longer in Bactria 
than other Scythians, because they appropriated to themselves 
in preference Bactro-Persian gods, have, like the Greek purely 
Bactrian kings, never adopted this alphabet. 

This being so, we cannot help supposing, that the characters 
of the coins were not indigenous to Bactria, that is to say, 
that they existed to the south only, and not to the north of 
the Caucasus.* 

* A short inscription, a word from Bamian, which Mr. Masson had read 
according to their alphabet, is quite uncertain, As. T. v. 188. 

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 631 

They are discovered to the east in topes, near Jelalabad, and 
between the Indus and Hydaspes in Manikyala, but further 
eastward than this, they have not been met with. We also do 
not know yet whether they extend to Kandahar, in a more 
westerly direction. To the north of the Cabul river those cha- 
racters are met with in Kapurdigarhi, in the ancient Peuke- 
laotis. As. Trans. v. Pl. xxvii. 

As the matter therefore rests at present, we may assert, that 
these characters were geographically limited to the country 
about the Cabul river, and we will term the characters on the 

Menandros, or Eukratides, is the first who made use of the 
alphabet. That we may not pretend to fix the time more 
exactly than the facts admit, we shall assign their first occur- 
rence to the years 180—170 (s. c.) It existed in use, as has 
been already noticed, till within the Sassanian era, and is 
therefore coeval with the character found further west on the 
monuments and coins of the Sassanides. 

The latest occurrence of these characters is perhaps found in 
the report of Hiuan Thsang, when he says, that in Thsaokiutho 
other characters than the Indian were in use; now there, in the 
country to which our alphabet was indigenous, about the Pan- 
jhir, a tributary of the Cabul, it appears hardly possible to 
allude to any other characters than to these. 

But it was, on the other hand, also cotemporary with the 
Indian alphabet, which appears as early upon the coins of 
Agathokles and Pantaleon, and proves entirely different, both by 
its opposite mode of writing and by the shape of its characters. 
This Indian alphabet occurs immediately before this date on the 
columns of Azoka (260—219. B. c.)* and continues under the 
Indian kings of the Maurja dynasty.t As now the empire of 
Azoka extended to the Indian Caucasus (I shall hereafter recur 
_to this) and as it would appear preposterous that he should 
have introduced an alphabet foreign to him upon the stupas 
which he is said to have built there,{ as on the contrary the 

* Zeitschrift fuer die Kunde des Morgenlander, As. Trans. vr. 791. 
+ As. Trans. vi. 678. 
t Foe K. p. 395. 

632 | Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. 

Cabulian characters on the coins disappear in western India, 
together with the dominion of the foreigners, the following 
conclusions seem still to result. First, the Cabulian charac- 
ters on the coins occur in the Punjab, not because a native 
alphabet was unknown there, but in consequence of the foreign 
dominion, which transplanted thither from Cabul, carried on 
its coins along with it, to the east, its peculiar characters. 
Secondly, it is doubtful, whether the dominion of the foreigners 
descending from the Caucasus, found in western Cabulistan, this 
alphabet alone in use, or employed in common with an Indian 
one. To us it appears probable, from the foregoing remarks, 
that these foreigners did not import the alphabet with them 
from Bactria. At the very place where the intercourse of trade 
brought into contact the east and the west, India and Iran, it was 
most easily possible that an alphabet, introduced from the west, 
such as we must admit the alphabet on the coins on our 
previous investigation to be, may have been in use in common 
with Indian letters, unless we be disposed to attribute to the 
Paropamisades the invention of an alphabet of their own. 
Whether there were indeed an Indian alphabet there, we shall 
not question ; the coins of Agathokles and Pantaleon, however, 
prove, that an Indian alphabet, if not in western Cabulistan, 
prevailed at least more to the eastward; had this not been the 
case, why should they have used Indian characters? But these 
characters disappear with those kings, and retreat proportion- 
ately with the extension of the dominion of Menandros to the 

I do not here extend these remarks, as the era and the 
abode of Agathokles and Pantaleon are still uncertain ; I shall only 
add, that I can place them neither with Mr. Raoul-Rochette in 
Bactria at the head of all those princes, nor with Mr. K. O 
Mueller remove them to India Proper. 

But the following fact will prove, how correct it is to con- 
sider the characters on the coins as foreign to India. Upon the 
ancient Buddhist coins, discovered* in the ruins of the town 
Behat on the banks of the Jumna, there occurs the title PY1uU 

* As. Trans. 11, 227. 

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 633 

Mahérdéjé, in Cabulian characters, and on the reverse the same 
words in the old Indian characters of the Agathokles coins, and 
the Azoka columns.* By this factitis quite evident, that the 
Cabulian alphabet on the coins was not in use in India Proper, 
and this at the period when the most ancient form of the 
Devanagari, which we as yet know, was still prevailing. Those 
Buddhist kings whom we otherwise do not know, must have 
employed the Cabulian characters only for the use of their. sub- 
jects on the banks of the Indus. 

It does not follow from the foregoing remarks, that the cha- 
racters are not more ancient than the coins upon which they 
occur. If no coins were previously struck there, the characters 
could not indeed be used for numismatic purposes, but they 
would be in the transactions of other business. When Panini 
(IV. I. 49) informs us, that by the affix ani to the word Javana, 
the writing peculiar to this nation Javanani aaatat fafa: 
qaqratat is represented, he perhaps points at the Cabulian 
alphabet. According to Indian tradition, Panini is placed im- 
mediately before Chandragupta, (therefore during the reign of 
Alexander the Great); it is more certain, however, that his 
native country was the ancient Gandhara, where he would be 
certainly enabled to become familiar with the characters of the 
Javanas of that country. 

I have taken it for granted in the course of the preceding 
remarks, that the Indians were already possessed of an alphabet 
of their own, at the period when the Greek kings first extended 
their dominion to the south of the Caucasus; some of my inferen- 
ces are mainly founded upon this view. 

* T owe this important fact to communications Mr. Prinsep made me 
by letter. The proper names are not yet read, as far as I know, upon 
the coins of this kind, with duplicate legends ; those that are read, are only 
in old Indian characters and Indian. As. Trans. VI. 464. As those others 
are ancient, I presume, that on these very coins, monuments of the dynasty 
of the Buddhist Khanishka will be brought to light; for he must have 
reigned a short time before or after the commencement of our era; he 
ruled Gandhara, Kazmira, and the country Keenaputi 500 lis to the eastward 
from Vipazd, (Foe K. p. 381). This lies in the nearest neighbourhood 
of Behat, and the use of the two-fold characters for the same language is 
exactly suited to these countries. 

634 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. 

But now I perceive, that an erudite person whose views must 
be of great weight with all those that have occupied themselves 
with his writings, draws from the newest inquiries into Indian . 
coins, the conclusion, that the. Indian alphabet is derived from 
the Grecian. 

Mr. Prinsep in decyphering these Indian characters, written 
in a peculiar manner on the coins of Saurashtra, asserted, that 
the more ancient the Nagari, the more similar become the cha- 
racters to the Grecian ones. Upon this he had grounded the 
conclusion,* that the most ancient Greek characters are but the 
Indian turned upside down. 

Mr. Mueller, who did not of course require proof of the inva- 
lidity of this view, takes the converse of the assertion. “ If,’ 
says he, “the relation of the ancient Nagari to the Greek alphabet 
is closer than can be explained by the common derivation of both 
from Phoenician language, we are forced into the conclusion, 
that the Greeks introduced this alphabet to the Indians, and that 
in consequence, the heaven-born alphabet of the Brahmins is not 
older than Alexander.” 

Now this is no casual remark, such as sometimes occurs in 
a journal, and which we may put aside without notice, but 
it is, if not a view deliberately considered, still an opinion 
positively pronounced and hopefully cherished. He says (p. 
249,) ‘We must, however, confess that our hopes as to the 
historical connexion between Indian and Grecian civilization, 
go far beyond this fact,” (that the Indians have borrowed 
their shapes of coins from the hide: Sey thiarts) a ane extend 
over the whole history of art and letters.” 

It is therefore a favourite opinion of this celebrated scholar, 
the correctness or incorrectness of which must be of vital im- 
portance in Indian antiquities. For if the Indians had no alpha- 
bet before Alexander, all the writings that we have hitherto 
considered the subject matter of as genuine sources for the 
knowledge of India from the most ancient days, were penned 
after Alexander’s time, or more correctly speaking, after the 

* As, Trans. VI. p. 390. 
| Goett. Gel. Anz. at other places, p. 252. 

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 635 

establishment of the dominion of the Bactrian kings in Cabul 
and on the Indus, as no sound critic can assign such an influ- 
ence as consequent on Alexander’s momentary sojourn in India. 

‘Bayer had discovered from some Indian words, communicated 
to. him, that a striking similarity obtained between the Greek 
and Indian numerals; hence he concluded, that the Indians had 
borrowed these words from the Greeks. The affinity was in- 
geniously discovered, while the inference not too bold, as he at the 
same time admitted, that the Indians possessed other and more 
ancient native numerals ; none, however, will probably in our days 
earnestly undertake to refute Bayer’s opinion; but in his time 
he could hardly draw any other conclusion from the reports at 
his disposal. 

- Mr. Mueller’s conclusion, however, appears to me much bolder, 
and whatever species of criticism he may meet with from others, 
I for my part shall refute him in good earnest. 

Supposing, there exists in very deed a similarity between the 
- Greek and the Indian characters on the Saurashtra coins, as Mr. 
Prinsep has maintained; granting also, that they were imitated 
after Parthian and Indo-Scythian models, it will be asked, what 
inference can be hence derived? Certainly only this, that the 
characters on those coins are of Greek origin. Mr. Mueller* 
places a date to these coins, subsequent to the first century of 
our era; the age of the Indian alphabet cannot therefore be 
traced with certainty prior to this period. 

Whether this similarity do exist, or not, is here wholly 
beside the question ; I think it fallacious, but I shall here drop 
the subject. 

Mr. Mueller will have it for granted, that the older the 
Indian characters are, according to his conjecture, the closer 
must be their similarity with the Greek. 

Now he assigns himself the coins of Agathokles and Pantaleon 
to the year 200—160 s. c. Their coins, having exactly the same 
alphabet as employed but a short time before on Indian monu- 
ments, was undoubtedly the form, then adopted, of Brahminical 
Debnagari. This character has been now decyphered with full 

* p. 248, 

636 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. 

authenticity by Mr. Prinsep, as is the most ancient from the 
Indian characters hitherto discovered. 

I shall here copy this alphabet, (and ask), whether the hopes, 
above alluded to, of tracing the sources of the Indian alphabet 
to the Greek, are likely to be much favoured by this discovery? 
I must strongly doubt it. 

ths tnicricte dtacLovitnie Raw oiDesGe! ith dese ease 
Gk Ok c.g. 0 oO 0h. ae 
Aviteii@i thy» Pedyo Bodieh Lone bsp pipe 
ek ei TUR Fa ln ae I eRe: CPs rae 

It may be added, that this alphabet had already the junctions 
of consonants, and the representative marks for shortened vowels, 
such as we find them to this day in the Indian orthography. 

To prove the desired derivation of the Indian alphabet from 
the Greek, it will be necessary to point out, as existing be-— 
tween the era of Alexander the Great, and the grandson of 
Chandragupta, Azoka, a form of Indian characters, marking the 
progress of transition from the Greek alphabet to the Indian, 
above exhibited. Tull this has been effected, we may be allowed 
to keep in store (as reserve artillery), the remaining arguments 
in favour of the originality of the Indian alphabet, which are to 
be discovered in the grammatical system, in the history of the 
language, in the substance of the inscriptions, and, lastly, in 
the reports of Megasthenes and Nearchos. 

The time has been, when every invention of the human mind 
must have passed from the East into Greece; but the philologists 
of classic antiquity would like to establish the converse of this 
view on every subject. The hope of advancing science is most 
laudable, but most fallacious, if cherished for a favourite system, 
since it impedes the judgment in forming clear and impartial 
conclusions. How otherwise could a man of so clear a mind, 
as is Mr. Mueller, fail to perceive, that he clung to a predilec- 
tion, while neglecting the most important facts ? 

It seems to me, I confess, a pleasant accident, that this latest 
effort at Indian conquest, made by Greek philology, may be 

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 637 

refuted by the mere agency of a petty monument of Gre- 
cian art. | 

§ 13; 

The Language. 

That the language of the legends in the Cabulian character 
belongs to the widely extended family of the Arian languages, 
is so evident from the foregoing disquisition, as to render it. 
unnecessary to dilate on the subject; a few words only on the 
latest coins of the Kadphises dynasty, constitute the only 
exception to this fact. 

The language on the coins also remains at all periods un- 
altered ; in the word ¢déddré alone is an alteration affected to 
dhddhdaré, giving evidence of a later variety in pronunciation. 

I do not include in this assertion the language of the 
Kanerki-coins ; they refer to another dialect, on the position 
of which, as to local use, a conjecture can only be formed here- 
after. From the discussions, as to the country to which this 
alphabet was indigenous, the natural inference ensues, that 
_ the language, expressed in these letters, may be assigned to the 
Same country; all peculiarities hitherto discovered, as to the 
system of sounds in the language, tend to the same conclusion. 

The language is not Zend, for this does not absorb the 
consonants ; the Zend has puthra, not putta, and retains even 
on the Kanerki-coins, athro, mithro, ardethro; the language 
of the coins, on the contrary, reads, Minadhé, Eikatidé ; Zend 
again retains n before t, but not the language on the coins; 
Zend does not exclusively express its nominative in the ter- 
mination 6, and it alters an Indian H into Z, while the 
language of the coins has mahaté. Zend has no L, while 
with our language it is a favourite letter, as for instance, prati 
becomes pati, and even pali. A Zendic, or more correctly 
speaking, an Iranian affinity, appears only in the substitution 
of k (i. e., q or kv) for sp identical with sv. This fact, and 
the correspondence with the old Persian in omitting the nasal 
before dentals, are the only peculiarities which refer to Iran. 

Other facts have been noticed, with regard to the language, 
as common to the Indian dialects of Pracrit, viz. the absorption 

638 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. 

of consonants, the alteration of hard into soft roots, and the 
1 for t. The word Dharma has a decided relation to India, 
being all a doctrinal term, which cannot be declared as such 
with reference to Iran; again, rdjan for king, and gaa for 
victory ; tdddré too is also Indian,—though we will not deny its 
also belonging to Zend. These indications lead us to a country, 
immediately bordering upon India, and the language of which, 
though not entirely Indian, and rather forming a transitional: 
dialect in some respects between the Indian and Iranian lan- 
guages, still did not very materially differ from an Indian 
dialect ; in saying which, I allude to the language in daily use 
with the common people, and not to Sanscrit, which was then 
already, in all probability, the language of the learned castes, 
and of the great. The existence of the dialects of Pra- 
crit, as in common use with the people, is ascertained by their 
occurrence on the Buddhist monuments of this time; the Pra- 
crit, or what eventually is the same, the Pali, could not have 
been raised by the Buddhists to the dignity of a religious 
language, unless it had existed aforetime among the people. 
Now as about the period of the first of the Greco-Indian kings, 
Pracrit was used on monuments in India itself, at least by the 
Buddhists, there is no occasion for wonder, if we meet with 
a popular dialect in Cabulistan, especially on coins: the San-- 
scrit would have only been in use there under a Brahminical 

The country of the language on the coins may therefore with 
certainty, I think, be looked for westerly from the Indus, and 
to the south of the Indian Caucasus; but it is very difficult to 
define its limit more exactly; for though we have already 
proved, that the influence of Indian dialects extends to the 
westward of the Indus, even to the Cabul river beyond Jelala- 
bad, still it does hence not follow, that to the country west of 
that, the same language existed. It is true, we found also, that 
the Paropamisades were represented as being Indians, and a 
later notice extends the term Jndian even to Arachosia ;* but re- 
ports of only a little later date, have limited the influence of the 

* Isidor. Charac. with Huds. p. 8. 

1840. | - from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 639 

Indian language to a point beyond Jelalabad. To arrive at a con- 
clusion, would involve the necessity of acquaintance with the 
more minute peculiarities of those languages in their ancient 

Again, the existing relics of the ancient languages in these 
countries, admit the inference of no deduction. The Deggani lan- 
‘guage in Lamghan, as well as the spoken language of Kaferis- 
tan, may still be recognised as remnants of old Indian dialects, 
but we do not know them so well, as to be able to make use of 
them here. The language of the remaining ancient races of 
western Cabulistan, the Kohistan of the present day, is entirely 
unknown. We can therefore only say generally, that in one of 
those dialects the remnants of the ancient Cabulian language 
must exist, the oldest traces of which occur on the coins, but 
without being able to decide ourselves in favour of any particular 
dialect among them, as being the receptacle of those remains. 
I indeed know, that some have pretended to recognise the 
Afghans in eastern Cabul, even as early as Alexander’s time ; 
not so Mr. Elphinstone,* who rather proves their immigration 
into Cabul at a much later period; this conjecture has originated 
with Professor Wilken, who thinks, he recognises the Afghans 
in the Assakanes.t If these were indeed Afghans, the Afghan 
language would have been spoken throughout Cabul, and the 
language of the coins must be the sources of the Pushtoo. 
Without observing, that neither ancient authorities nor modern 
Afghan history, admit or require this supposition, the correct 
assertion of the learned academician himself, that the Afghans 
belonged to the Medo-Persic tribe, is at variance with it ; the 
Assakanes inhabited a country, where even in the 7th century 
A. D., an Indian language was spoken. The language of the 
Afghans, moreover, shows an evident difference from the lan- 
guage on the coins; as, for instance, it substitutes like Zend, 
z for the Indian h, zwmy, winter, for hima, and this z is altered 
in the western Afghan dialect into gh, urighu (rice) for urizu, 
for vrihi.t 

* Account, &c. II, 10. 33. 44. 50. 56. &c. 
+ Abhandlg. der Berl. Acad. 1818-19 p. 261. 


t “Opvéa has been introduced through Persian into Grecian language. 

640 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. 

Though I cannot therefore discover the Afghans on the Indian 
frontier at so early a period, yet I willingly allow, that the ori- 
ginal seats of the Afghans, may have had a situation sufficiently 
near Cabul. On this supposition, it would by no means be sur- 
prising, if their language were not a purely Iranian dialect, but 
rather like that on the coins, forming the transitional dialect 
between the Iranian and the Indian, but approaching (in point 
of locality), the west, with a prevailing affinity to Iranian pecu- 
liarities. I dare, however, not indulge myself by pursuing 
this interesting investigation. 

§ 14. 

The Kings. Classes of coins, and places of their discovery. 

There is much more difficulty in obtaining for the seat of the 
different empires, established by the coins, and for the series of 
their kings, even that degree of probability, which we have, I think, 
succeeded in arriving at for both the language and alphabet. 

It will here be necessary, first to have before us the materials 
to be arranged ; I shall accordingly enumerate the names of the 
kings according to the coins, adding the facts, which hence 
result, as regard the era, the succession, or any remarkable cir- 
cumstance with respect to each of those kings. I have invari- 
ably noted the places, where the coins have been discovered, if it 
appeared to be instrumental in determining the native country 
of the kings. The classes I have adopted, are founded on the 
language and alphabet, and their sub-divisions upon the numis- 
matic inquiries of Mr. Raoul-Rochette, and upon the titles of 
the kings. 

Concerning this catalogue, I must premise, that it has been 
only made with a view to facilitate succeeding investigations, 
and that it does not pretend to giving a numismatic description. 

I. Coins with merely Greek characters. 
§ 1. Greek characters, and purely Greek names and titles. 
Euthydemos. Head with diadem; on the reverse Hercules, 
either standing with the club raised in his left hand, the lion’s 
skin over the arm, and in the right hand a crown, or else a com- 
mon Hercules, seated, leaning on his left hand, in the right the 


1840.) from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 641 

club placed on a rock.* The coins presenting Hercules in a 
standing position, exhibit the youthful head of the king, which 
indeed differs from the head of EKuthydemos, as ordinarily re- 
presented, and rather resembles that of Agathokles ; hence Mr. 
Raoul-Rochette’s conjecture, that EKuthydemos may have suc- 
ceeded Agathokles, and may at first have retained on his coins 
the portrait of his predecessor. The resemblance with that 
king, however, appears not striking enough, and the connexion 
between both of them could be only admitted in the reversed 
succession. Lastly, a coin has been discovered, the reverse of 
which represents a horse without trapping, and galloping ;{ one 
legend occurs invariably. BASIAEQ> EYOYAHMOY. Bronze 
coins with an Apollo, crowned with laurel, and the reverse with 
the tripod. R. R. IT. 60. J. d. S. p. 387. 

We may get some single specimens of these coins, which 
are distinguished for their beauty, from the south of the 
Caucasus; but they come in course of trade from Balkh; 
there occur too in Bokhara many coins of Euthedemos, bar- 
barously executed, with an almost illegible legend, which some- 
time eluded all attempts at reading it.§ These latter are 
imitations, originating with the Scythians of the north, whom 
we cannot call Indo-Scythians, as they had not arrived yet 
in India. 

Demetrios, son of Kuthydemos, a fact confirmed by the coins.|| 

Beardless, diademed head ; reverse, helmeted Minerva, stand- 
ing, with a long tunic, and a shorter one over it, the left hand 
leaning on the shield; in the right a spear. Another reverse 
with Hercules standing, either similar to the coins of the father, 
or crowning himself with his right hand; and the head of the 
king, elegantly adorned with the trunk and tusks of an ele- 
phant. This latter emblem, evidently refers to his Indian con- 
quests. Mr. Raoul-Rochette infers from the similarity of the 
other type with that on the coins of the Eukratides, that these 

* R. R. J. des Sav. p. 328. p. 386. I. p. 7. A. T. IV. pl. XXV. No. 1. V, 
pl. XLVI. No. 3. + 1. 8. 
t As. T. V. pl. XLVI. No. 4. § RK. R. I. 3. I. 12. 
| R. R. J. des Sav. p. 330. I. p. 3. II. 17, if 
G7 RR. 1 p.'7. &e. Il. p. 16. 

642 | Lassen on the History traced — [No. 103. 

coins of Demetrios were struck, while he was unexpelled as yet 
from Bactria by Eukratides, and infers, that Demetrios had there- 
fore also reigned in Bactria, though but for a short time.* That 
he laid claims to Bactria, is certain enough. These coins are 
likewise of superior workmanship, and in most elegant taste. 
Legend BAZTIAEQS AHMHTPIOY. The coins are rare, and 
have been partly transmitted to us through India, partly 
through Bokhara. Their proper place of discovery is perhaps 
not yet exhausted (discovered ?) On this hereafter. Mr. Mion- 
net (vi11. 473) pretends to infer from these coins the existence 
of two Demetrii; till this new fact in history is more surely 
proved, we may be allowed to treat this second Demetrios as 
“a king of shadows.” 

Heliokles—Known only by his coins, and first embodied 
in the series of Bactrian kings by Mionnet, then by Visconti.T 
Mionnet asserted, that he was the son of (or of an) Eukratides, 
while Mr. R. R. thinks him his predecessor.{ A specimen 
has been brought from the city of Cabul by Mr. Honigberger,$ 
Type; Jupiter standing, with the thunderbolt, and the legend 
the epithet (just,) Mr. R. R. puts Heliokles in connexion with 
other kings, who likewise style themselves jus?,|| as the founder 
of a separate branch; but Lysias, whom he had in mind, in 
forming his opinion, is a Spalyrios, and of the other Grecian 
kings, only one has the same epithet, viz. Archelios, a later 
discovery, he has indeed as well the Jupiter type, but he in 
addition calls himself NIKH®OPO%, and has a native legend. 
A copper coin of Heliokles, the first specimen of this kind, 
has been discovered of late in the Punjab, (As. Trans. Vol. v1. 
987,) it is not stated, whether with a native legend or not. 
I may be hereafter allowed to propose a conjecture on historic 
grounds concerning his era. 

Eukratides. Mr. Raoul-Rochette{ distributes the coins bear- 
ing this name, between two Kukratides, father and son, on 
the precedent of Bayer, who maintained, that some things 

* 1..p.40, As. T. IVi pl.yXXWVe No, 2. 
+ R.R. J. des Say. 1834, p. 329. i. R. I. p. 34. ID. p. 26. 
§ RAS: || I. p. 26. {] T. der Say. p. 387. 

1840.) Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 643 

were mentioned of Eukratides, not in correspondence with 
the victorious king of this name; hence he concluded, the 
name of his son, successor, and murderer, was the same.* 
But that the son and parricide did bear the same name, is 
not conclusively established by authorities (of which hereaf- 
ter); while Mr. Muellert objects to this view from the very 
reason, that, according to the arrangement of M. R. R., this 
very Kukratides, known to us as a parricide, was called “ the 
Great.”” There occur indeed two specimens, one of which has 
also native legends. I here describe the purely Greek one alone, 
postponing my own view for the historic examination. 

Diademed head of the king; reverse, a naked Apollo crowned 
with laurel, standing with one hand leaning on a bow, in the 
other an arrow. Legend BASIAEQ> EYKPATIAOY.{ This 
type never has a native legend. On other coins a head of 
Apollo with a laurel wreath; on the reverse, a horse with the 
same legend in Greek alone.§ 

The coins with the Dioscuri on horseback, with the title of 
“Great King,’ and which are partly of purely Greek and 
some with a native legend, are assigned to Kukratides IT. 

This type of the Dioscuri, however, likewise occurs with 
the simple Greek legend, BASTAEQS EYKPATIAOY, || and 
without the native character, which only appears, when the Greek 
has the word METAAOY. The Dioscuri on horseback have 
sometimes a helmeted, and sometimes a diademed head of the 
king; those with the caps of the Dioscuri only a diademed head, 
with the title either simple, or at length.{ 

It is evident, that neither the difference between “ king’’ and 
“Great King,” nor the native legend, affords any criterion for 
assigning the type of the Dioscuri to the son. There remains 
the difference in the features of the king, which may be laid to 
a difference in age. On the native legend we shall remark 

> Paavo. t+ p. 205 
{ J. des Say. p. 386, I. No. 5. 
§ R.R. IT. 60. | A..T. IV. pl. gxey. No. 6..7. 

4 A. T. V. pl. xuv1. No. 10. No. 32.) 

644 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. 

Masson found 107 coins of Eukratides in Beghram, he does 
not, however, distinguish them according to the types.* 

There occur also coins of Agathokles, with a purely Greek 
legend; but as nobody would adopt the idea of two Agathokles, 
we shall postpone the investigation of this point. 

§ 2. Purely Grecian characters, the kings not Greek, having, 
however, no barbarian titles. 

The following coins present a singular phenomenon. Mr. Mas- 
son discovered at Beghram,t in the space of three years two hun- 
dred and fifty-seven specimens of a coin with the legend 
proper name. The Greek legend being sometimes corrupted, 
we observe either BASIAEY or BASIAEY QN.+ Bags full of 
these may be had in Affghanistan, andin the Punjab. The simi- 
lar coins with a native legend, never have the bust of the nameless 
king. Mr. Raoul-Rochette describes them in this manner: 
‘“* Bust of a king, the head encircled by a diadem and a nimbus ; 
with his left hand holding an iron spear; no legend. Reverse, 
a man on horseback with the Greek legend, above mentioned. 
The head of the bust helmeted, occurs too as a variety.’’§ 

The large number of these coins proves that this king posses- 
sed an ample empire, and did not reign for a short time ; he must 
have governed Cabul, and a part of the Punjab. The corrupt 
Greek suggests an era, more recent than that of many. other 
Indo-Scythian coins. The title owTnp seems to connect him to 
the Greek Soter family, which may have concluded with Hermaios. 
This is the remark of Mr. Mueller, and I am only prevented 
from adopting it, because the Kadaphes coins are apparently 
still nearer related to one or the other Hermaios, and all the 
other Soters have likewise native legends. M. Raoul-Rochette|| 
accounts for the want of the name by (the supposed existence 
of) an agreement, with regard to the currency, to the effect, that 
in order to put the coins into common circulation in neighbour- 
ing states, the name of none of the kings of those states was 

© ATV ope wale t A.T, V. p. 547. 
t R. R. I. p. 26. As. T. 1v. 345. 

§ R. R. I. No. 17. No. 18. No. 19. As. T. IV. pl. xxi1. No. 26 (Among 
the Azes’ coins.) | II. 38. 

—_— ee 

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 645 

used on the coins. The nameless king, however, appears to 
have been too powerful to acquiesce in such a stipulation. Ac- 
cording to Mr. Mueller, his name, on account of its dissonance, 
could not be well expressed in Greek. People, however, who 
were not offended at the nominative PaotAzv, or the genitive 
BaciAevwv, would not have hesitated at obtruding a name as 
barbarian as possible, on the Greek letters, and if the attempt 
were unsuccessful in Greek, why was not given recourse to 
native letters ? 

I cannot explain, why there is no name; but from the use of 
Greek characters alone, it becomes probable, that the Soter be- 
longed to a certain Scythian horde, which had for some time their 
abode in a country, where purely Greek, and not native charac- 
ters, were adopted for the coins. The nameless king, who per- 
haps first settled his horde in Cabul and about the Indus, 
perhaps adhered at first to the established custom by not 
adopting native characters on his coins. At an after period, 
however, he perhaps used them; if indeed the coins with native 
legends, which M. Mionnet assigns him, be really his.* 

There exist besides, coins of some other Indo-Scythian kings, 
with regard to which it is doubtful whether they have native or 
purely Greek legends. They bear the title ‘‘ King of Kings,”’ 
and some of them have a horse, others an elephant, and they 
reigned therefore partly in Bactria, partly in India. As the 
names are illegible, we shall here only refer to the engravings 
and descriptions of these coins ; for we must at first leave even 
’ this undecided, to which of these kings the native legends belong, 
and whether we have to adopt a separate series of Indo-Scythian 
kings, who admitted purely Greek letters and titles, whilst 
the Kanerki dynasty adhered to Greek characters to express 
barbarian words. If the assertion, that to the north of the 
Caucasus the characters on the coins were not used, be well 
founded, we might presume, that those Indo-Scythian kings held 
fixed dominion in Bactria alone. Now those coins yield no other 
historical result, than that the Indo-Scythians were divided into 

* VIII. p. 505. pl. x. No. 85. 

646 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. 

a number of dynasties, and that we are far from knowing the 
whole series of their names.* 

Lastly, we have yet to mention here the king Mayes. 

Type a Caduceus; legend BAZIAEQ> MAYOY, Reverse, 
the head of an elephant from which a bell hangs, of beauti- 
ful Grecian workmanship and with good Greek characters ; 
according to M. R. R., contemporary with Menandros and 
Apollodotos, as the same head of an elephant occurs on their 
coins ;, his conjecture, that the name may be a variety of 
Apollodotos, has hardly any support whatever.t Mr. Mueller 
thinks these large copper coins to be the most ancient monuments 
of the Indo-Scythian dominion in India.t The elephant alludes 
indeed to a campaign against India. Being taken from the col- 
lections of the Generals Ventura and Allard, they refer to the 
Punjab. M. Mionnet ascribes to Mayes, moreover, a native 
legend, which consists of two signs.—This legend as given by 
Mr. Prinsep, is scarcely to be taken as letters; M. R. R. has 
not noted it at all ; the pretended legend stands besides between 
Bacikéwe and Mavov; the name must have been expressed by 
PAV, which does not appear with Mr. Mionnet. How then 
has this king used a native legend? As respects this king 
also, I must leave it to numismaticians to make a historical 
application. : 

§ 3. Pure Greek characters ; barbarian names and words. 

Kodes. Small silver coins. A head, the hair wreathed with 
fillets, and descending to the neck; it would appear, that the 
face is different (on different specimens) ; one has mustachoes, but 
all of them have suffered much. Legend, KQAOY, complete on 
but one coin.§ Reverse, a figure standing, the right hand lean- 

* As. Trans. v. pl. xxxv. No. 4, iv. pl. xxi. No. 12. No. 13. No. 14. Then 
iv. pl. xxi. No. 7 and 8, lastly iv. pl. xxi. No. 11. Compare Mionnet viii. p. 
504. No. 135, No. 136, No. 141, No. 142. I shall not undertake to read the 
native legends, represented x. No. 88. : 

+ II. p. 49. The coins R. R. II. No. 18. As. Trans. iv. pl. xxv. No. 4. 
New varieties of them are discovered of late in the Punjab. As. Trans. vi. 
987. t 228. 

§ As. Trans. v. pl. xiv1. No. 16, No. 17. No. 18. 1v. pl. xxv. No 11. No. 
12. No. 13. R. R. J. d. S. 1834. No. 8. No. 9. p. 389. 

1840. ] from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 647 

ing on the hip, in the left a spear, indistinct head dress, flames 
behind the shoulders. Legend according to Mr. Prinsep’s con- 
jecture: (A)PAHOPOY MAKAP(O3). The Greek letters 
terminate in points; upon No. 13 there is perhaps the name 
of another god. A second variety, has the anterior half of a 
horse. They come from Cabul and western India; but like- 
wise through Bokhara to Russia. 

The horse refers to Bactria, as do the purely Greek characters 
and the god of fire, with whom the names of gods on the 
Kanerki coins are connected. 

Kodes is perhaps the very same king, who went southwards 
over the Caucasus, and founded an empire on the banks of the 
Indus and of the Cabul, for the Kanerkis. 

Kanerki coins. 1 shall not repeat the remarks above made on 
the legends, the words PAO NANO PAO and KOPANO, and 
the names of gods. Kanerki is represented in a standing posi- 
tion, with a long Usbek coat, pointed Tartar cap, the right 
hand leaning on a spear (and a bow over the back, T. A. V. 
Xxxvi b. 9.) with the left making an offering over an_ altar. 
The figures of gods on the reverse are already described. In the 
note I shall mention the coin,* some from the topes in Mani- 
kyala, Jellalabad, and from Cabul and the Punjab, from Benares, 
and likewise from the Ganges.t 

Ooerki. Bust of the king, adorned with a tiara, holding with 
the hand a plant which he contemplates.{ The same places 
of discovery. No coins having Greek words, or the god of 
the sun. 

A man mounted on an elephant; his name illegible, only 


On the coins of another king of this series, a female figure 

* T. As. m1. pl. xu. pl. xxv. iv. pl. ur v. pl xxxvi. Trans. R. As. Soc. 1. 
pl. x1. R. R. J. des Sav. 1834. and 1. pl. u. and the authorities. 1. 57. 

+ As. Trans. 111. p. 443. 1v. p. 631. R. R. 1. p. 4. 

{ As. Trans. 11. pl. xxi. No. 2. xxi. No. 24. 1v. pl. xxxviut. No. 9. No. 7. 
v. pl. xxxvi. No. 3. No. 7. R. R. 11. p. 58. J. des Sav. 1834. No. 10. As. 
Trans. ur. p. 445. 

© AT. ut. pk xr. No. 10. v. pl. xtvi..No.:13. No. 12. ‘rv. pl. xa. No. 10. 
A. T. v. p. 722. 

648 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. 

with a glory, seated on a couch; one foot on the ground, the 
other, on the couch.* Here also the name is illegible. 

There is another type of a figure sitting in a cross-legged 
position ; some other varieties may probably be still dis- 

The most ancient specimens of these coins have a tolerably 
good style, and distinct letters; both become gradually worse, 
and lastly deteriorate into a chaos ; then follow the Indian imi- 
tations. The places of discovery prove, that the Kanerki 
dynasty possessed, at least at the commencement of their rule, 
a large territorial dominion ; from the traces of the Shiva wor- 
ship, we may conclude that the Kanerkis added to the worship 
of Mithra, introduced by them from Bactria, the worship of 
Shiva, as it occurred with the Kadaphises.t Hence they must 
(partly at least) have taken possession of the dominions of the © 
Kadaphises. We may consider their dialect either as a more 
modern one, or as a provincial variety. It is evident from the 
coins, that they out-lasted the Kadaphises, who never sunk into 
the same barbarism. 

It will remain doubtful, whether the Kanerkis maintained 
themselves till within the Sassanian period, unless it be decided, 
that the topes must be ascribed indisputably to the Kanerkis. 
They certainly reigned in India before the time of the Sassa- 
nians. Lastly, the opinion, that the Kanerkis were Buddhists, or 
in other words, that we have to recognise Kanishka in Kanerki, 

7A, Un. ph xxi. NoOw29, ay. pl. 21. No: S, 

+ The worship of Shiva appears to have prevailed in Cabul in the first 
centuries of our era, and beside it, pure Buddhism was widely diffused. 
Hiuan Thsang at least mentions a temple of Bhima, viz. of Parvati or 
Doorga, in Gandhara, p. 379. But Megasthenes appears to have already 
corrected this mistake. For if he reported, according to Arrian and Strabo, 
that the Indians of the plains worshipped Hercules (whereby Mathura is 
made mention of) and that the mountaineers, on the other hand, adored 
Dionysos, these latter must be probably understood to be the inhabitants 
of the mountainous districts about the Cabul, and below Kazmira, in the 
Punjab, while the plains are those of the inner country, and on the borders 
of the Jumna and Ganges. It is true, it has been of late doubted, whether 
Hercules be Krishna, but I hardly think, one acquainted with these sub- 
jects, will doubt it any more, than that Dionysos cannot be but Shiva: - 

1840. } trom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 649 

must continue to be improbable, until Kanerki be also discover- 
ed on Buddhistic monuments. 

Il. Greek, and Indian characters. 

The coins of Agathokles and Pantaleon alone as yet compose 
this class. 

Agathokles. Diademed head of the king; reverse, a standing 
Jupiter, with the left hand leaning on his sceptre, holding 
on the right a small three headed Artemis, bearing a torch. 
Legend, BAZSIAEQS ATAOOKAEOYS.* = Tetradrachma of 
very superior workmanship. 

M. Raoul-Rochette has proved, that the figure on the legend 
is the Persian Artemis Hecate, the Zapnric or Zapa, whose wor- 
ship Artaxerxes Mnemon was endeavouring to propagate with- 
in his empire, and Bactria is especially mentionedt with regard 
to this. Male head, with Dionysos’ crown of grapes. Reverse, a 
panther walking, holding with his fore claw a grape. The same 
legend as above mentioned. Tetradrachma.t{ , 

Square copper coins with the same legend. On the obverse, 
a female Bacchanal, flourishing the thyrsus, and the legend above 
represented, in old Indian characters. Eleven specimens have 
been discovered, all from Cabul.§ 

M. Raoul-Rochette has tried by a vast display of learning 
to establish his conjecture, that Agathokles was the first king 
of Bactria, he having been the Eparch of Persia under Antiochus 
the second, who is called Pherekles by others, and whose 
pederasty is said to have excited the Parthian revolt.|| Not to 
mention other objections, this conjecture falls to nothing owing 
to the Indian letters, which Agathokles cannot have used for his 
Bactrian subjects. But previously to Euthydemos, no Bactrian 
king made conquests southwards from the Caucasus. As 
copper coins are less likely to go by trade into other countries 
than gold and silver (coins,) the place of discovery of the 

* R. R. J. des Sav. 1834. p. 332. No. 2. 1. No. IL. p. 12 A. T. tv. pb 
xxv. No. 3. from the Punjaub.) 

+ (J. des S. at other places, p. 340. 1. p. 13.) 

t (J. des 8. No. 1. by the way of St, Petersburg.) 

Gen. Re TT Nov ie 9. 12 A. T. V. pl. xxxv. No. 9. 

| (J. d, S. p. 336.) 

650 Lassen 0” the History traced (No. 103. 

Agathokles’ coins points out an empire on the borders of the 
Cabul river. 

The worship of the Persian Artemis must not appear sur- 
prising on the coin of a king, who, though not reigning in Bac- 
tria, yet started from that country. The Bacchanal symbols 
certainly allude to an Indian expedition; but it is surprising, 
that Agathokles and Pantaleon, almost coeval with him, should 
alone parade these symbols of Dionysos. Going a step further, 
we dare assert, that Agathokles reigned immediately over 
those districts, where the traces of the expedition of Dionysos 
were fancied to be extant ; viz. over the country of the Nisaeans. 
But it is not India Proper, but Cabul, that is celebrated 
for her grapes; in Cabul too, are the copper coins of Aga- 
thokles discovered, and instead of the nation of the Nisaeans (a 
somewhat fabulous race) of Alexander’s period, we observe in 
the late report of Ptolemy, the well defined town of Nagara, 
surnamed Dionysopolis, which denomination can have been only 
given by a Greek king, probably by Agathokles. His use of In- 
dian, and not Cabulian characters, leads to the conclusion, that 
his reign succeeded a previous use of Indian characters; viz. it 
argues a former Indian domination in these districts. I therefore 
think he is the same, who first brought Grecian arms down the 
Cabul river. According to Mr. Mueller,* he reigned about the 
Upper Ganges. In this case he must before Menandros have 
advanced beyond the Hyphasis to the Jumna, and even further, 
which is at variance with Strabo’s explicit statement. His coins, 
exhibiting a much better style in art than those of Menandros, 
he must have reigned before this king. Strabo would likewise 
mention him as the first, who crossed the Hyphasis. 

Pantaleon. Square copper coins, exactly like those of Aga- 
thokles, before described as from Cabul and the Punjab.t 
Legend, BAZIAEQ> NANTAAEONT(O2) and the other 
legend in Indian characters, above mentioned. From the 
small number of coins it becomes probable, that Pantaleon did 
reign but for a short time ; the dominion, founded by Agatho- 
kles, must on the whole have been of short duration. We shall 
hereafter recur to this subject. 

a I Vp + As. Trans. 111. p. 168. v. p. 552. 

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. | 651 

Ill. Greek and Cabulian characters. 
§ 1.—Greek Kings. 

Eukratides. 1 assign to this place the coins bearing the title 
““Great King,” as they certainly mark an epoch in the life of the 
one Kukratides, even if they should not belong to a second of 
the same name. The Cabulian legend never occurs unaccom- 
panied by the word METAAOY in the Greek legend; hence it 
follows, that the title, “‘ Great King”? was first adopted in the 
south of the Caucasus. 

Helmeted head of the king. Reverse, the Dioscuri on horseback, 
with spears couched, holding branches of palms above the should- 

The same with Greek legend on the obverse ; on the reverse, 
Mahdrdjé Eikatidé.t 

The same reverse with BAZTIAEQ> EYKPATIAOY, and on 
the reverse with the helmeted} or diademed § head of the king ; 
no Cabulian legend. 

Diademed head of the king; legend, BAZIAKQ> METAAOY 
EYKPATIAOY. Reverse, caps of the Dioscuri with palms, of 
the native legend only Maharajé.|| 

According to Mr. Prinsep’s statement, { the complete legend is 
PAVhI YPAAYTEL ALY mahardjé raja rdjé Hikatidé. This le- 
gend however appears only to occur upon one coin, on which the 
helmeted head of the king on the reverse has a female figure, 
seated, with the turret-like crown of the Cybele. The word 
is raja rdjo ; it can hardly have occurred upon the other coins. 
As it cannot be, however, adopted by mere chance, we must as- 
cribe the complete title to that as yet single coin alone. It is 
the only instance in which a Greek king of Bactria styles 
himself king of kings, and this only in Cabulian language, as 
it were, not venturing to obtrude this ostentatious title on his 
Greek subjects. Likewise Eukratides alone calls himself in 

* J. des Sav. No. 5. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxv. No. 5. 

+ As. Trans. IV. pl. xxv. No. 8. 9. 10. R. R. I. No. 7. 

} As. Trans. IV. pl. xxv. No. 7. 

§ As. Trans. IV. pl. xxv. No. 6. R. R. I No. 6. 11. No. 3. 

|| As. Trans. V. pl. xuv1. No. 11. 

{] As. Trans. IV. p. 338. 

{| According to the description. As. T. III. p. 164. 

652 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. 

Greek letters great king, while the others adopt the simple 

Bacirsvc as equivalent to Mahdrdjé. It therefore almost ap- 
pears, as if Eukratides first used Cabulian legends, without pro- 
perly attending to the comparative value of the different terms ; 
since the same etymological value of two words in different 
languages is in many cases not the same in the real acceptation 
of the words. 

Mithridates VI. of Parthia, had adopted the title king of kings ; 
and Eukratides seems to have imitated his contemporary in as- 
suming this title.* Coins of Eukratides are frequently met 
with in Cabul.t | 

On account of the dispute of numismaticians, we shall 
postpone the decision, whether we must adopt two or only one 
Eukratides, to the examination of the historic authorities. 

Antimachos. Head of the king with the Macedonian hat, 
(kausia), and Neptune with a palm on the reverse. Epithet 
of the king, Osoc. A coin, published by Kohler, obtained 
through Russia, which refers to a victory at sea.[ Victory 
dressed and winged, in the right hand a palm. Legend, 
king on horseback gallopping. Cabulian legend, PIZAL. Putty 
PSUNI, Mahdrdjé gajavaté Atimakhé.§ From Cabul. M. R. 
R. has proved, that these coins are an imitation of those 
of the Seleucidian Antiochos IV., who likewise styled himself 

Ozcc. Antiochos reigned 176—164. 'B. c., and Antima- 
chos therefore about the same time. The correspondence 
of these coins with the tetradrachmas of Heliocles will also 
give evidence, that Antimachos was his contemporary. On this 
supposition, it becomes difficult to place both of them  be- 
fore Eukratides. The Cabulian legend points to an empire to 
the south of the Caucasus, but perhaps not in Cabul itself, as 
the Antimachos’ coins are scanty in Beghram. I beg to direct 
the attention to two points: the equestrian coins form a separa- 

* Visconti. Jconogr. Grecque. 111. 76. 

+ As. Trans. 111. 164. v. 547. 

{R.R. J. des Sav. p. 329. 1. p. 18. 

§ R. R. II. No. 4, p. 17. A. T. IV. pl. xx1. No. 3. at the same place No. 4 
_ has S for “4, therefore perhaps a‘h, or k for kh. 

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythan coms. 653 

ted class, and Antimachos has strengthened his dominion by a 
victory at sea. 

Philoxenos. Bust of the king; the bow of the diadem pro- 
jecting from under the helmet. Legend, BASIAEQS ANI- 
KHTOY ®IAOZENOY. Reverse, king on horseback gallop- 
ping. Cabulian legend: Mahdrdjé apalihaté pilashiné (or pi- 
dushino) .* : 

Demeter Karpoforos; in the right hand a crown; in the left 
a cornucopia; the foregoing Greek legend; reverse, the bull 
with the hump. The same Cabulian legend.t 

The same obverse, with the reverse of a victory with crown 
and palm (only described). 

M. Raoul-Rochette takes him for a king, who reigned in 
the neighbourhood of the Scythians, and valiantly fought against 
them on horseback. The Cabulian legend prevents us from 
acceding to this. Philoxenos wears a kausia, as Eukratides 
and Antimachos do, and as a horseman, moreover, is analagous 
with them. The bull with the hump is correctly interpreted as 
referring to a particular country, but to what country, will be evi- 
dent from the coins of Azes. In Beghram no coins of Philoxe- 
nos have been discovered by Mr. Masson. 

Archelios. Diademed head of the king. Legend, BA2I- 
Jupiter, seated on a throne, the sceptre in the left hand, the 
thunderbolt in the right, and the legend, PAs? PI3ZAM Phwe 
PAL, maharajé, dhamiké, gajavaté Achilijé. From Beghram. 

I have given him this place, because the epithet ‘ victorious” 
puts him into comparison with Antimachos ; Antialkides, how- 
ever, bears the same epithet, and has besides, the Jupiter. 

Antialkides. Uncovered head of the king, with the branch of 
a palm, crossing the field. Legend, BASIAEQ> NIKH®OPOY 
ANTIAAKIAOY. Reverse, the Dioscuri caps with palms, as 
upon the coins of Kukratides. Legend, maharajé gajavaté 

* R. KR. IL. No. V. A. T. No. IV. pl. xx1. No. 1. 
+ R. R. II. No VI. As. T. IV. pl. xx1. No. 2. 
{ R.R. IL. No. 7.1. No. 15. A. T. IV. pl. xxv. No. 9. 10. 11. 

Gh4.- Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. 

M. Raoul-Rochette assigns to him with certainty a place 
immediately following Eukratides, in a neighbouring country, 
which we cannot, however, look for with him to the North of 
the Caucasus.* On account of the title Nikephoros, he has some 
analogy with Antimachos. 

There exists another coin of this monarch with the head of 
the king, with the kausia and the same legend; the reverse 
represents Jupiter, seated on a throne, with a sceptre and 
a winged victory in his right hand. The same native legend.t 
All these coins are from Cabul or the neighbouring districts. 

Lysias. Uncovered head of the king, the palm crossing 
the field as with Antialkides, the bust partly given. Legend, 
BAZIAEQ? ANIKHTOY AYSIOY. Reverse, elephant.§ Le- 
gend, Mahdrdjé apalihaté lisijé (lisajé.) 

M. R. R. pronounces him with full confidence successor 
of Antialkides ;|| here likewise follow the titles Aniketos and 
Nikephoros, one after the other, as above mentioned, with 
Philoxenos and Antimachos. Coins of Lysias and of Antial- 
kides are found in Cabul; 4 the elephant alludes to an Indian 
expedition. The dynasty to which Antialkides and Lysias 
belonged, seems therefore in fact to have had their site in Ca- 
bul, and their empire was probably established upon the ruins 
of one more extensive. 

I here insert a coin, for which I cannot discover a proper 

Amynitas. Bust of the king with indistinct head-dress ; le- 
helmeted Minerva, with shield and lance, extending her right 
hand. Legend, Maharajé, gajavaté amité. From the Punjab.¢{ 

We now come to a longer series, bearing the title “deliverer.”’ 

Menandros. Helmeted head of the king with the upper part 
of the bust, and the chlamys; legend, BAZIAEQ> ZQOTHPOZ 
MENANAPOY. Reverse, Minerva tp0uayoc. R. R. I. No. 8. 
Legend, Maharajé tdddré Minadhé. 

bgt Wl iu” { As. Trans. V. pl. xxxv. No. 2. { R. R. IL. p. 22. 
6“: ie No. 18. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxvi. No. 12. — || II. p. 24. 
pena G7 A. T. V. pl. xiv. No. 1. 

1840. | Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 655 

Helmeted head of the king, with the same Greek legend. 
Reverse, a clothed victory, with wings, palm, and crown. The 
‘same Cabulian legend.* 

Head of an elephant, with the same Greek legend. Reverse, 
a club, with the Cabulian legend.t 

Uncovered head of the king, with the upper part of the bust 
dressed in the chlamys; the right hand raised to throw a 
lance. The same Greek legend. Reverse, Thessalian Minerva, 
protecting herself with the shield; in the right hand the thun- 
derbolt raised. The same Cabulian legend.t 

Head of the king in a helmet, and the Greek legend. Reverse, 
Aigis, and Cabulian legend.§ 

The same obverse; upon the reverse an owl, and the Cabulian 
legend. || 

Obverse, wheel with eight spokes, and the Greek legend. 
Reverse, branch of a palm, and the Cabulian legend. 

Uncovered head of the king, with the Greek legend ; reverse 
head of an animal, which Mr. Prinsep, with probable correctness 
describes as an elephant, though Mr. Masson has drawn a dol- 
phin. The same Cabulian legend.{{ Lastly, head of a boar, with 
the Greek legend. Reverse, branch of a palm surrounded by 
the native legend.** 

Coins of Menandros have been frequently discovered in 
Beghram by Mr. Masson, so many even as one hundred and 
fifty-three specimens up to the year 1835; they are likewise met 
with in Agra, on the borders of the Jumna, and near Mathura. f+ 
These were probably the extreme points of his empire. We have 
shown, that his reign extended to the Jumna, and the elephant 
on his coins corroborates this extent of his dominion. Whether 
he also ruled in Bactria, we shall hereafter inquire into; the 
native legends rather disprove than confirm this opinion. 

R. R. I. No. 9. 10. As. Trans. 1V. pl. xxvi. No. 3. 

R. R. I. No. II. p. 17. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxvi. No. 2. 

R. R. II. No. 12. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxv. No. 1. 

As. Trans. V. pl. xiv. No. 5. || At the same place, No. 6. 

At the same place, No. 8, as the preceding copper coin; according to 

M. R. R. II. 34. a club. ** At the same place, No. 9. 
++ As. Trans v. p. 547. 722. Trans. of the R. A. S. [. 515. 


656 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. 

For the historical arrangement of all those kings, it is of 
vital importance to ascertain the era of Menandros. M. Raoul- 
Rochette has most plausibly assigned to Menandros a later 
period than to Eukratides.* The inference he further draws 
from this position of Menandros, that he first took possession 
of the Indian empire of Demetrios, and afterwards of the 
Bactrian dominion of Eukratides, is hardly to be reconciled 
with the authorities of written history; we do not understand, 
in fact, how Menandros could dethrone Demetrios, since Eu- 
kratides had done it ; we shall therefore hereafter lay hold of the 
only fact which is proved with probability by numismatic inqui- 
ry, viz. that Menandros seems to have reigned subsequently to 

Apollodotos. Apollo standing, leaning his left hand on the 
bow, holding a lance with his right. Legend, BAZIAEQ> 
ZOTHPOS AIIOAAOAOTOY. — Reverse, a tripod: legend, 
Maharagé Apaladaté tadaré. t 

Uncovered head of the king, with diadem and upper part 
of the bust, and the chlamys. Legend, BAZIAEQ2 2OTH- 
Thessalian Minerva, as upon the coins of Menandros, covering 
herself with the AXgis instead of the shield. The same native 
legend, without ¢uAomarwp, tdddré alone preceding the name.t{ 
Elephant in motion. Legend as before mentioned : reverse, the 
humped bull, and the same native legend. § 

The coins are discovered at the same places with those of Me- 
nandros, and M. Raoul-Rochette deserves the merit of having 
proved, with the utmost probability, that Apollodotus was the 
son of Menandros. 

Diomedes. 'The Dioscuri, standing, and with lances. Legend, 
BAZIAEQ> SOTHPOS AIOMHAOY. Reverse, the humped 
bull, and the native legend, which he probably thus restored : 

* IL. p. 32. 33. | 

+ R.R. I. No. 12. As. Trans. LV. pl. xxv1. No. 6. No. 7. No. 8. 

} R.R. U. No. 13. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxvi. No. 4. 

§ R. R. Il. No. 14. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxvr. No. 5. See. R. R. II. p. 18. 

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 657 

PrAwA APIA (PY)AU (Vv) Maharajé tdddéré Dijamidé.* Only 
one specimen from Beghram.. The humped bull, and the epi- 
thet, prove the right of position as here given. 

Agathokleia. Helmeted head, which must be the head of a 
woman, with the upper part of the bust, and of the dress. Le- . 
Reverse, Hercules seated, in the right hand the club, placed 
on his knee, with the left supporting himself, as on the coins 
of Kuthydemos. Legend, Maharajé tdddré Mikonidé.t 

Howsoever we may read the name, it is certain, that we have 
here a new king, whose epithet assigng him a place among the 
successors of Menandros. The place of discovery is not men- 
tioned; the coin is, however, found in India. If any relation 
is to be admitted between Euthydemos and Agathokles, we 
may perhaps recognise another analogy in the fact, that Aga- 
thokleia exhibits a type of the Kuthydemos’ coins. She is cer- 
tainly, however, the wife of the new king, mentioned only in 
this place ; perhaps a heroine of masculine character, like Eury- 
dike (the niece of Alexander, and grand-daughter of Philip), 
whom her husband honored by associating her with himself up- 
on his coins. May not the unusual epithet perhaps allude to 
this fact? { 

Hermaios. Uncovered diademed head of the king. Legend, 
piter, seated on his throne. Legend, mahdrdjé tdddré, hirmajé.§ 

Uncovered head of the king, with diadem, the upper part of 
the bust, and of the chlamys. Reverse, Olympian Jupiter seat- 
ed, and extending his right hand. Legend as above described. || 

Head of the king, probably with diadem, the same Greek 
legend ; the reverse has a horse; and the native legend as 
above described. 

* As. Trans. V. pl. xxv. No. 3. + As. Trans. V. pl. xivr. No. 2. 

t I find Osorpo7oc to be authorized by one passage alone in Heliodor. 
Carm. v. 250, as an epithet to §nAoc. Only one Greek king of these pro- 
vinces, Antimachos, has styled himself God. 

§ R. R. I. No. 13 (where the initial letter in tadaro is misdrawn). As. 
Trans. IV. pl. xxiv. No. 1. 

| R. R. I. No. 14. p. 21. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxiv. No. 2. No. 3. No. 4. 
§] As. Trans. V. pl. xxxv. No. 11. 

658 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. 

In Beghram so great a number of the coins of Hermaios 
have been discovered, that no doubt can be entertained of 
the seat of his empire. Mr. Masson thought he might’ adopt, 
according to the difference of the types, three different kings 
of this name, an opinion, rejected by M. Raoul-Rochette.* 
There is no doubt the coins, above described, with the bust, 
and the name of Hermaios on the obverse, and with Her- 
cules, standing and leaning on the club and the curious native 
legends on the reverse,t do not belong to the Greek Her- 
maios himself, as in the Greek legend the name of Kadaphes 
is substituted for that of Hermaios, without any alteration 
of the type. Those only upon which ZAQOY occurs, have 
perhaps a title in another type; all the coins, however, that 
are published, are very indistinct.t} 

As these coins prove that a Kadaphes took possession of 
the empire of Hermaios, so other facts concur in giving 
evidence, that Hermaios concluded the series of the Soter 
dynasty. His coins represent a rapid decline of art, and are 
partly excelled by those of the more ancient Indo-Scythians. 
M. R. R. has also here the merit of having proved, that the 
type of the Olympian Jupiter is an imitation of the coins of 
Alexander II. of Syria,§ and that Hermaios must have accord- 
ingly reigned after the years 129—23. B. c. 

‘With Kadaphes, above mentioned, Kadphises is connected by 
name ; but as previously to him, other Indo-Scythians must have 
ruled in the country on the borders of the Cabul, we shall first 
insert them here. Z 
Barbarian Kings. 

Azes. King on horseback, in his right hand a lance. Legend, 
nerva, with the AXgis on her arm, in the left hand the lance, the 
right raised. Legend, mahdrdjé rajdrdjé mahaté Ajé.\| Or 
reverse, Minerva clothed, holding shield and spear in a moving 

* As. Trans. 111. p. 162. v. p. 547. R. R. II. p. 37. 
t R. R. 1. p. 36. 
t As. Trans. V. pl. xxxv. No. 13. new coins of this class have been lately 
rH pede VI. 987. 
God, eae: | R. R. I. No, 15. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxi. No. 18. 

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 659 

position.* Or, reverse with a male figure in a tight tunic ; tiara 
with ribbands hanging down, and bearing on the right hand a 
winged Victory. On both of them the same native legend, which 
is but seldom completely preserved.+ 

Or, the same obverse; reverse, a male figure, standing, with 
the tiara, and long stole, holding in the right hand an idol.f 
As far as traceable, the same native legend. Or, reverse with 
an Abundantia,§ standing and holding a cornucopia. Native 
legend, maharajé, mahaté, dhamiké rajddirajé Ajé. This com- 
plete legend is on the reverse not discernible.|| Obverse, Ceres, 
seated on a throne, in the left hand a cornucopia, the right 
raised ; reverse, Hercules standing, and leaning on his club.{] 
As far as legible, the simple native legend. 

The following coins are of importance, as they mark the 
provinces, which were under Azes’ dominion. 

Obverse, the king on horseback. Reverse, the humped bull; 
on others, a Bactrian camel.** Obverse, elephant; reverse, 
the humped 

Obverse, humped bull; reverse, lion without mane,{{ or 
Bactrian camel.§§ The Greek legend always the same, and 
the simple native legend (“ without dhamiko’’) on some, raja- 
rajo ; on others, rdjddirdé. 

Obverse, Neptune clad in the pallium, standing, with the 
left hand leaning on the trident, the right foot placed on the 
figure of a man, as if swimming. Reverse, a female figure in a 
long robe.|||| M.R. R. has proved, that these symbols allude to 

. R. II. p. 40. As. Trans. iii. pl. x1. 45. No. pl. xxi. No. 15. 
. R. II. No. 19. As. Trans. at the same place xx11. No. 17, No. 19. 
-R. II. No. 16. As. Trans. iv. pl. xxi. No. 24. perhaps also No. 


‘ovina. Goddess of Plenty. 

I. p. 43. As. Trans. IV. pl. xx1u. No. 22. The legend v. p. 549. 

I. p. 45. As. Trans. iv. pl. xx. No. 10. No. 11. 

. II. p. 43. As. Trans. IV. pl. XXII. No. 9. 

. II. p. 44. As. Trans. IV. pl. XXII. No. 4, 5. 

e name place No. 1, 2, 3. 

LR. 11 cee 17, As. Trans, TV. pl. XXIII. No. 14. 

660 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. 

the Indus river, and to India conquered. Legends, as above 

As now by these coins Azes lays claim to having conquered the 
Indus, so the four animals evidently point out the extent of his 
dominion. The Bactrian camel requires no interpretation, nor 
the maneless lion, which undoubtedly alludes to an Indian 
district, and though in our time the lion is only met with in 
Guzerat,* they must in Azes’ time not have been confined to that 
‘province. I would rather presume, that by the adoption of the 
lion, the Sinha, the subduing of the lions among Indian men, 
viz. the Narasinha, Rajaputra was to be represented, therefore 
the subjugation of the warlike tribes in the modern Rajpootana, 
which moreover lies beyond} Guzerat. The Indus subjected, 
refers certainly to the districts towards its mouth, to Pattalene, 
which on the west is bounded by Guzerat. As now, the ele- 
phant likewise points to Indian provinces, a question arises as to 
what particular province this refers. It must of course allude 
to that part of India, which must have been likewise under 
Azes’ dominion, viz. to the country to the north of Rajpootana, 
the Punjab ; yet I confess, I know not why the elephant, which 
might obviously be used as an emblem for the whole of India, 
should be made to refer to this part of India alone. A glance 

* Mr. Lassen is not aware, of how valuable an argument he has de- 
prived himself in not having ascertained the existence of the lion in 
our days in Hurriana, where they were a few years ago plentiful; they 
are now more rare, being driven into the desert by sportsmen, and the 
gradual settlement of the country. Lions have been shot within the 
last fifteen years on the banks of the Chumbul, not more than fifty miles 
from Dholepore. (Ty 

' + I have already observed, that the lion even in our days is known 
to exist at no great distance from the Indus. It is perhaps worthy of 
remark in this place, that ample evidence is extant as to the great changes 
which must have taken place in the localities of wild animals in India, on 
the testimony of Baber, who mentions killing the rhinoceros on the banks 
of the Sind and Behreh. ‘There are numbers in the jungles of Pershawur 
and Hashhagar,” according to Baber, (a. p. 1526), whereas in our own 
days that animal is not found to frequent any part of upper India above 

the Pillibheet forestyin Rohilkhund; under these circumstances, it is hard ~ 

to fix a location for the lion in the days of Azes. joy 

1840.} Jrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 661 

at the map must give evidence, that Azes could not allude to 
any other country.* 

It will be proved hereafter, that the Greek kings also, who 
have chosen the emblem of the elephant for their coins, must 
have especially referred to the Punjab. 

If then the elephant and the lion allude to India, and if Azes 
also possessed Bactria, he cannot have typified by the humped 
bull any other country than that on the Cabul. This interpre- 
tation is also very well adapted to the other instances in which 
this symbol occurs; moreover, the Chinese mention the very 
same humped bull as an animal they for the first time met 
with in Kipin ;+ the names of Cabura (gopura, town of cows,) 
Kophen, and Koas, are perhaps allied to the name of the animal ; 
on this point, however, the native orthography of these names 
alone can decide. 

Azes, moreover, proclaims himself the possessor of so many 
provinces, upon those coins, where, besides the ordinary reverse 
of the king on horseback, the reverse exhibits a Victory,{ having 
in the left hand a palm, in the right an indistinct effigy, 
probably bearing a trident. The native legend is mahdrdjé 
rdjardj6 mahaté Ajilis6. Of this hereafter. 

We first mention the coins on which he is seen seated cross- 
legged, a sword across the knee, while the reverse has a four- 
armed male figure.§ I think, it certainly represents the Indian 
god Shiva. He had therefore adopted the Indian worship, as 
did after him Kadphises, and in some degree the Kanerkis. 
Azes was either also called Azilises, or this was the name of 
his son and successor. This fact is proved not only by the 
coins, already mentioned, but also by the following : 

King on horseback, with lance depressed, and the Greek 

* We have an excellent dissertation by Mr. Ritter, on the extreme 
boundary within which the lion is found in India, Erdkunde VI. p. 709, 
to which I willingly refer. 

+ Ritter, Erdkunde, VII. 684. 

RR. I. No. 16: 

§ As. Trans. IV. pl. XXII. No. 12,13. R. R. II. p. 46. 

662 Lassen on the History traced {No. 103. 

Reverse, Victory with a palm in her left hand ; in the right a 
trident; native legend, Mahdrdj6é rdjdrdjé mahat6, Ajilisé.* 

The same obverse, with the reverse of the humped bull, and 
with the same legends.f 

Azilises therefore claims Cabul and the country on the 
Indus to the sea, and if he were another king than Azes, as 
I think he was, he must have been his successor, on account of 
the exact correspondence in their coins. 

It is, however, of far greater importance, to determine the 
period of those kings. 

The coins of Azes are so closely connected with Greek 
types, that he must undoubtedly be a proximate successor of 
the Greek kings and their dominion.{ Kadphises and the 
Kanerkis are at a greater distance. Kadaphes alone pretends 
to have conquered the empire of Hermaios ; and yet, this Kada- 
phes must have lived, according to the coins, at a later period 
than Azes. But if then Hermaios reigned about the year 120 
B. C., Kadaphes must be of almost the same period; Azes 
would be, on this supposition, an earlier successor to the other 
Grecian thrones; he preceded Kadaphes therefore, and must be 
considered as a cotemporary of Hermaios. © We shall hereafter 
state, to what conclusion the examination of the historic ac- 
counts must lead us. As to the matter in hand, M. Raoul- 
Rochette maintains, that the Minerva type of Azes was 
imitated after that of Vonones; for as the titles and the mona- 
grams on the coins of both kings correspond with each other, 
Azes must be taken for the successor of Vonones.§ 

If I be allowed to object to the opinion of so solid as cholar, » 

I venture the following remarks :-— 

First, the connexion between both of them being ascertained, 
why does it follow, that Vonones preceded Azes? Certainly 
neither from the execution of the coins, nor from the historic 
accounts, would hedoso. The Indo-Scythians decidedly reigned 

* R.R. II. No. 20. As. Trans. IV. pl. XXIII. No. 27. 
+ At the same place, No. 28. 
jt R. R. IL. p. 47, p. 41. ’ 
§ R. R. IL. p. 30,41. 


lil rene 


1840.) from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 663 

on the Indus, previously to Vonones, even if he were the first 
of this name. Secondly, how can M. Raoul-Rochette re- 
concile the facts, that Azes was the immediate successor of the 
Greeks, and was still preceded by Vonones, obviously of Parthian 
origin. The monograms decide nothing as to the succession. 
Parthian kings, even Arsakes VI, had, a long time previously 
to Vonones, the title of “great king of kings.” The epithet 
< just,”” assumed alike by Azes and Vonones (this escaped the 
notice of M. R. R.) also occurs much earlier in Parthian history, 
even in the time of Arsakes VII.* Why must Azes have borrow- 
ed these titles from Vonones ? As Archelios among Greek kings 
already styled himself “ just,” why cannot Azes have adopted 
this title from him? Lastly, the Minerva type, upon which the 
whole argument is based, already occurs with Amyntas; why 
should it not have descended thence to Azes? 

The Vonones under consideration, can hardly be the first of 
this name, and if M. Raoul-Rochette be right, we must assign 
Azes to a still later period. I think, however, I have proved, 
that we shall proceed with more certainty in determining Azes’ 
place by historical accounts, independent of any connexion 
whatever with Vonones. 

It is probable, that such an extensive empire as that of Azes, 
was not at once overthrown ; thus we observe, besides those of 
Azilises, coins, apparently belonging to successors (of his 
dynasty) ; the emblems of the various provinces, however, viz. 
camel, humped bull, lion, and elephant, do not recur; hence we 
may.conclude, that the successors were not powerful enough to 
maintain the whole empire. 

Some of the coins above (see As. T. 1840, p. 645.) mentioned, 
perhaps, belong to this class ; we would still add the following : 

An equestrian coin with BAZIAEQ> MEPAAOY; re- 
verse, king holding a spear, with a Kaftan,t and mahdrdjé. Azes 
never has this dress himself; a name is not traceable. ; 

Another coin of a horseman, with illegible Greek legend, and 
the monogram of the Kadphises’ coins. Reverse, two male 

* Visconti. Iconegr. III. 76, 80. 
7 As. Trans. IV. pl. XXIII. No. 25. 

664 Lassen on the History traced . [No. 103. 

figures crown the king, who stands between them, and leans on 
a club. On the native legend are only the initial letters of 
Mahdrdjé discernible, and of the name, P——HA; the three 
middle letters should be, according to Mr. Prinsep 111; ac- 
cording to the coin, however, this is hardly clear.* 

There is a third equestrian coin, on which a figure of indis- 
tinct shape delivers to the horseman a diadem. Greek legend 
effaced. On the reverse, according to Mr. Prinsep, a Caduceus ; 
the name indistinguishable ; we can only read Mahdrdjo.y+ 

Of the following king, we know but the name of his brother ; 
and even with this clue, his era has not been ascertained. It is 
Spaliryos, likewise represented as a horseman. ‘The reverse 
seems to have been much disfigured; the well known type of 
Hercules seated. The legends are above described.f 

On account of the similarity of the name, we place after him 
Spalirisos, with Tartarian Kaftan, and a palm over his left 
shoulder. The reverse is apparently a disfigured form of Jupi- 
ter,§ seated, as occurring on the coins of Hermaios. This 
king appears to have reigned in Laghman, and perhaps also in 
some neighbouring districts. 

As these last mentioned sovereigns still preserve the relics of 
Grecian art, so also Vonones, who belongs to this class as being 
a horseman. 

The king on horseback, with depressed lance. Legend, 
Jupiter, clad in the pallium, leaning on the sceptre, in the right 
hand the thunderbolt.|| On the reverse, a Victory without wings, 
in the left hand a palm, in the right something indistinguish- 

* As. Trans. V. pl. XXXV. No. 5. from the Punjab. The position 
of the horseman is quite the same with the Parthian Artaban III. 

+ As. Trans. V. pl. XXXV. No. 15. pl. XLVI. No. 14. V. XXXV. 
perhaps belongs too, to this king. 

t See As. Trans. [V. pl. XXI. No. 9. V. pl. XXXV.‘No. 6. R. RK. IE 
No. 9. From the Punjab and Beghram. R. R. II. p. 26. As. Trans. V. 
p- 551. 

§ R. R. I. No. 21. As. Trans. V. pl. XX XV. No. 7. IV. pl. XXI. No. 7, 
six specimens from Manderor in Laghman. As. Trans. V. p. 551. 

| R.R. IL. No. 10. | 

1840. } from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 665 

able.* The same Greek legend; the native one has been 
already mentioned. 

Lastly, Hercules, the lion’s skin in the left hand, the club 
on. his arm, crowning himself with the right ; reverse, Minerva, 
viknpoooc, with a helmet ; on her left hand the shield, and holding 
on her right hand a winged Victory.{ According to the native 
legend, the word AIKAIOY must have occurred here instead of 

I think I have already proved, that the name Vonones cannot 
have occurred in native characters on the reverse of these coins, 
but probably the name Volagases ; and further, that this Vono- 
nes need not have been, according to the coins, a predecessor 
of Azes. On comparison with other Parthian coins, it is 
likewise evident, that Vonones, in striking coins for his Cabulian 
subjects, followed the coinage of Cabul, and not of the Parthians. 
To trace the period of Vonones from coins, purely Parthian, 
would therefore be fallacious. 

Another fact to determine the era of Vonones offers itself in 

the following. The initial letter of the Parthian coin, above 
described, is M. The Roman Victory on this coin, renders it 
necessary to assign to this king a later period than to Vonones I. 
who first of the Arsacides adopted this type.{ This also leads 
to Meherdates, who was educated in Rome, and the initials of 
the name are more like ME than MO;; but this does not decide 
the question, whether it were Vonones the First or the Second. 
_ As we have now to admit among the sovereigns of Cabul, not 
Greeks, but Parthians also, who probably reigned after Azes, (on 
this hereafter), so a dynasty succeeded the great Indo-Scythian, 
which assumed the Soter-title of the Greeks. As Azes does not 
bear this title, they are probably not his descendants. 

First, a nameless king, a horseman like Azes, with the legend 
[BASIAEY>] BAZIAEYON (sic) COTH[P] the name is 
effaced. ‘The reverse presents a male figure walking, with the 
left hand extended ; in the right an elevated spear, with a pecu- 

* R. R. II. No. 14. of the coin. As. Trans. IV. pl. XXI. No. 15. I do not 
venture to trace the reverse. 
. ff R. RII. p. 30. I. No. 20. As. Trans. IV. pl. XXI. No. 10.. 
{ Visconti Iconogr. ITI. 146. 

666 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. 

liar head-dress, the left shoulder naked, otherwise clad in a 
robe after the fashion of the Gods on the Kanerki-coins. Legend, 
PUTMLU PET P11vu, mahaté tadharé mahargé ; the name is 
also heres effaced.* 

The monogram on this coin is now the very same with that 
of the nameless Soter-megas, and we must recognise here, if 
not himself, yet a near successor of his. The Greek characters 
do not allow us to connect this king, or the nameless Soter, 
with the Greeks. 

This Scythian Soter dynasty, however, prove themselves as of 
the same period, or as directly succeeding, the Arsacides above- 
mentioned, by the following coins, namely by those of Yndo- 
pherres. Having the same title, the same Greek characters, 
and, besides, the Victory of the Arsacides, he is allied to them. 
He is a complete barbarian in comparison with Azes, and if 
Yndopherres indeed succeeded the Parthians, Azes may claim 
an earlier era. Yndopherres, however, endeavours to keep the 
Greek style of the stamp, while the Kadphises, about to be 
mentioned, has removed every trace of Grecian art, save the 
characters, on which he also obtrudes words of his language. 

Kadphises. 'The king on a low seat, bearded, in a high Tartar 
cap in the form of a cylinder, from which flowing ribbands 
descend, in a Kaftan and Tartar boots, holding a branch in his 
hand. In the space below, aclub. Reverse, Siva in a light dress, 
the left hand on the bull Nandi, in the right the trident. There 
occurs the complete native legend above described ; the Greek 
is the short one.t 

The king standing in the same dress, the left hand on his 
hip, holding the right over a small altar, above which, a trident ; 
in the left space a club (or a sceptre) the long Greek legend ; 
the reverse as above described.{ 

Bust of the king, in the right hand sceptre or club; above 
the cap, the moon-formed sickle (of Siva); in the left a small 

* As. Trans. IV. pl. XXIII. No. 23. 

+ R. R. Journal des Sav. No. VIII. 

{ Trans. of the R. A. S. I. No. 10. R. R. I. No. 23. p. 30. As. Trans. ITI. 
pl. XXVI. No. 4. No. 5. V. p. 547. From Balkh, from Beghram and Many- 

1840. | Jrom Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 667 

hammer, short Greek legend. Reverse, Ardhanari, holding 
in his right hand a long trident, in the left the discus and 
pasa of Siva; the complete native legend.* The same reverse ; 
the bust facing the right.t 

Lastly, the king on a carriage with two horses; over the 
shoulder the club, in no proportion with the charioteer ; the short 
Greek legend. Reverse, Ardhanari with the native legend.t 

As copper coins of Kadphises are dug out even near Benares,§ 
he must have reigned from Beghram to a great distance in 
India Proper. The execution of these coins is indeed still 
Greek, but whenever the worship of Siva is represented, the 
types have become purely Indian. This worship first appears, 
though not frequently, with Azes, is exclusive with Kadphises, 
and is joined by the Kanerkis with Bactrian gods, who have 
the same monogram with Kadphises, and are found together 
with his coins.|| There is scarcely any doubt, that Kadphises 
was a near predecessor of the Kanerkis. His relation to Kada- 
phes is more obscure. It is clear, that Kadphises has some 
reference to him, save that the former is more ancient, because 
he is immediately connected with Hermaios. This king (or 
the last of his name) was limited to Beghram, and this must 
have been the principal seat of Kadaphes, though his domi- 
nions were of further extent. Now it is a singular fact, that 
according to the Chinese accounts, the ancient (Scythian) 
empire of Gandhara was situated in Kiapiche (Capissa), and 
therefore just beyond Beghram, while the native legend ex- 
presses the name Kadphises by Kapisa; this is accordingly 
the name of the country in the form of pronunciation 
delivered to the Greeks and Chinese, which name, however, 
appears to be an absorption from Kadphisa. If the name 
however be a geographical determination, a new enigma 
is given, and Uhavima must be understood in this case 

* Rk. R. I. No. 22. From Cabul in a tope. R. R. I. 28. IT. 4. 56. J. des 
Sav. p. 390. 
+ As. Trans. IV. pl. XX XVIII. 4, No. 2, 3. 
t The same No. 1. 
§ As. Trans. p. 631. 
|| As. Trans. IY. 631. 

668 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. 

as a proper name. But it is at variance with this supposition, 
that Kadaphes should bear the same name. Or is this 
perhaps a title, and the same case with the nameless Sofer- 
megas. art . 

It would be also desirable to ascertain in an approximative 
degree the relation of Kadphises to the Scythian Soter family. 
Yndopherres, like Kadphises, appears to have reigned in Begh- 
ram ;* but the former is allied to the Parthians, the latter to 
the first Azes ; the first has ruder coins, though a classic style ; 
the second, types of a better, although of entirely Indian exe- 
cution, with an assimilation to Azes by the Siva-worship, while 
his relation to Kadaphes places him nearer Hermaios; he 
appears therefore more ancient than Yndopherres. The only 
objection would be, that the latter in this case is thrown 
between Kadphises and Kanerki. If the equestrian coins 
allude, as I presume, to a more westerly country than Gand- 
hara, the solution is perhaps given by the conjecture, that 
Yndopherres and the Soters, closely allied to him, reigned as 
horsemen in a more westerly direction than Kadphises and 
Kanerki; they might therefore rather be placed near either 
of them, than between them; but I willingly abandon this 
uncertain base of argument. 

It will be proper to look out for firmer grounds upon which 
we may classify the many dynasties, above enumerated. 

§ 15. 
Greco-Bactrian Kings. 

Let us turn now to the examination of the written accounts 
of the history of the Greeks in Bactria. Bactria continued 
under the dominion of the Seleucides to the period of Antiochus 
Il. (262—247. s. c.) when Theodotus took advantage of the 
weak government, and probably of the wars of that monarch 
with Ptolemy IJ. to render himself independent. This separa- 
tion of Bactria from the monarchy of Antiochus happened a short 
time before the declaration of independence by the Parthians, or 
previously to 256 3B. c. as appears from the fact, that Arsaces, 

* According to the number of coins, there discovered. As. Trans. V. 
p. 547, 

ee ee 

natalie ca a ee Re de 

1840.] Jrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 669 

the founder of the Parthian empire, had fled from the increas- 
ing power of Theodotus.* } 

We do not know how far the power of Theodotus extended. 
Sogdiana was perhaps subjected to him, but it is hardly credible 
that the thousand towns which Justin attributes to him, to show 
his power, really existed in his dominions. Bayer plausibly 
conjectures, that these thousand towns were erroneously trans- 
ferred by Justin from a notice on Eukratides, to the founder of 
the Bactrian empire.t The passages show only that Theodotus 
contrived the conquest of Parthia, while the aggrandisement of 
the Bactrian power is ascribed to Euthydemos. 

In opposition to the explicit authority of these authors, M. 
Raoul-Rochette has endeavoured to establish Agathokles as the 
‘ founder of the Bactrian empire.{ It is true, the eparch of Persia 
under Antiochus II. is called sometimes Agathokles, and some- 
times Pherekles ; but our Agathokles reigned in a province of 
India, and previously to Euthydemos the Bactrian dominion did 
not extend so far southward. 

* Prolog. Trog. Pomp. XLI. “ In Bactrianis autem rebus, ut a Diudoto 
rege constitutum imperium est.” Just. xli. 4. On Arsaces: “Non magno 
deinde post tempore Hyrcanorum quoque regnum occupavit, atque ita 
duarum civitatum imperio preditus, grandem exercitum parat, metu 
Seleuci et Theodoti, Bactrianorum regis. Sed cito morte Theodoti 
metu liberatus, cum filio ejus et ipso Theodoto foedus ac pacem fecit. 

Strabo xi. c. 2.p. 515 *‘ Newrepiobévrwy d& rwv ew rov Tavpou 
Sia TO TOOC adAnAove sivat Tove TIC Lupiac kat tne Mnétac 
Basiréac, rove eyovrac Kal Tavra, Topwroy pev THY Bakrpiayny 
améoTnoay ol TETLOTEVMEVOL, Kal THY eyyve avTne Tacay ot TEpl 

EvOicnpov.”  § 3. p. 515. on Arsaces,  o1 dé Baxrpiavoy Aéyovsty 
> ? ? Vee ae ” ~ \ aN 5) ~ 
auTov. gevyovra oe THY avSnow Twr mept Atodoroy, amoornaat 
mv IapOvaiar. 

But there was no long interval between both insurrections. Justin, xii. 
4, fixes the defection of the Parthians as under the consulate of L. Manlius 
Vulso, and M. Atilius Regulus; “ eodum tempore etiam Theodotus, mille 
urbium Bactrianarum prefectus, defecit, regemque se appellari jussit. 
Quod exemplum sequuti, totius orientis populi a Macedonibus defecere.”’ 

But who were they, unless the Parthians ? 
t p. 47. t J. des Sav. 1834, p. 334. 

670 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. 

There have not yet been discovered coins of Theodotus and 
his son of the same name, and they can only come from Bactria. 
Whether another king reigned between Theodotus II. and 
Euthydemos, is unknown, but not improbable; the one fact is 

certain, that the latter sovereign dethroned the family of Theo-' 

dotus, for he alleged this very act in order to obtain the favour 
of Antiochus III.* 

Upon Strabo’s authority, above mentioned, Euthydemos took 
possession of the districts adjacent to Bactria ; Parthia cannot be 
understood by this, he must have meant Aria and Margiana; he 
had at least collected against Antiochus an army of horsemen 
on the borders of the Arius,t and had already fought against the 
northern nomades, he must have, therefore, certainly possessed 
Sogdiana, and to him probably refers the notice, that the Greek 
kings of Bactria divided their empire into Satrapies.t 

We owe to the expedition of Antiochus against upper Asia, a 
clearer insight into the circumstances of those countries at 
that period. This war, and the negotiations between the Syrian 
and the Bactrian kings belong to the years 208-5. 8.c. From 
Polybios’ account, which is extant, it follows, that the Parthian 

* Polyb. Fragm. xi, c. 34. Schw. III. p. 379. yeyovevat yap OuK 

bette) > , - , >] Sse = > 4 ’ 
avTuc atoorarne Tov Baciréwe, arr ETEOWY ATOOTAYTWY, ETA- 
veAomevog TOVE EKELYWY EK-yOVOVE, ouTW Kparnoat TIC Baxrptavev 

+ Polyb. x. 49. 

t Strabo, xi. 11, 2. ot ds KaTaoy ovrec auTny "EAAnves, Kal £¢ 

Le: duppnkaow* ov thy te Aomiwvov Kat TV eee 
agnpnvro ‘Euxparioay ot TlapOvaioe. “"Eoyov 0& Kat THV 
Loyduavny kK. tT. A. The two satrapies mentioned, evidently lie toward 
the northerly Scythian country, the frontier of Sogdiana. The? Agwagid- 
Kat (Strabo, xi. Scyth. 8.) to whom Arsaces fled, belonged to the Choras- 
mians and Attasians, who have likewise the name ‘Avyactot; perhaps we 
ought to read ’Aoracuot. Polyb. (x. 48.) calls all Nomades about the 
Oxus Aspasiaces, which is therefore a general term for the nations of 
horsemen (Azpa, horse). Mr. Burnouf undoubtedly explains with 
propriety Turiana by the word of the Zend Tiirja; it is the Turan of 
¥irdysis; the Turanian satrapy of Bactria, according to Strabo. 

1840. | trom Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 671 

empire, at that period, was still limited to Hyrcania and 
Parthia, and the Scythian nomades to their northerly heaths, 
though even menacing invasion. Among the conditions of 
peace occurred likewise the following stipulation,—that Euthy- 
demos was to surrender his elephants ; hence we may presume, 
that although he had made no expedition on the south beyond 
the Caucasus, yet, he must have entered upon connexions 
with India. At that time he had not yet a firm footing 
southward of the mountains, as we find there the king Sopha- 
gasenos, who concluded an alliance with Antiochus, delivered 
over to him some elephants, and agreed to pay him a certain 
sum of money. The Indian king apparently engaged in this 
league as a protection from Euthydemos, whose power had al- 
ready manifested itself in the south of the Caucasus. As it is 
called a renewed treaty, this Indian king must have belonged to 
the dynasty of the Palibothrian princes, who had always been 
in friendly relations to the Seleucides. We can indeed prove 
hereafter, that from the time of Seleukos Nikator, those Indian 
kings possessed the country west of the Indus to the Caucasus,* 
and hence it arises, that the Bactrian kings, down to the time of 
this peace, had no possessions in the south of the Caucasus, 
and only when Antiochus entangled himself in disputes with 
Egypt, and thereby with Rome, were they at liberty to engage in 
plans for an invasion of India; that is therefore about the year 
203 B. Cc. 

Antiochus effected his retreat through Arachosia and Drangi- 
ana, and there is no reason to doubt, that both countries 
were still under the dominion of the Seleucides.t 

Demetrios, the son of Euthydemos, then a youth of remark- 
able beauty, had a principal share in concluding the peace with 
Antiochus, whose daughter was given him in marriage. 

This Demetrios however is afterwards not mentioned as 
king of Bactria, but of India (‘‘ Demetrii regis Indorum’’f) 

* De Pentap. Ind. p. 42—45. 
+ By the notice, that Seleukos had also yielded Arachosia to Kandragup- 
ta, we have certainly to understand but the district eastward of the sour- 
ces of the Helmund and the Lora. t Justin. xli. 6. 

672 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103. 

fighting with Eukratides for the dominion of Bactria, and 
eventually conquered and deprived of India by this king. 
We do not know, whether he originally succeeded his father 
in Bactria, and was expelled from thence, and limited to his 
Indian possessions, being eventually deprived of them also, or 
whether some one embraced the opportunity of his absence 
from Bactria, while he was perhaps engaged in an expedition 
against India, after the death of his father, to take possession of 

the Bactrian throne.* Nor do we know, whether Eukratides 

or a predecessor of his, expelled the family of Kuthydemos from 

The opinion which most naturally suggests itself is, that 
Kukratides expelled them ; up to this time, however, Menandros 
has been ordinarily considered as king of Bactria before 
Eukratides, though some say, Apollodotos, probably the son of 
Menandros, or, lastly, Heliokles, whom we know only from 
the coins. The opinions maintained as explanatory of these dif- 
ferent successions to the throne of Bactria, must exceedingly 
differ one from another, on account of our defective information ; 
and were we to examine these opinions, it would be evident, 
that all of them are more or less artificial and forced, and even 
dogmatical. But instead of subjecting them to a critical review, 
~ it will suffice our purpose to refer (Bayer, p. 85—89. R. R. I. 34. 
II. 33,) to them, and to attempt arranging the facts in the way 
in which, from our own comparison of the respective passages, 
and the new results derived from the coins, we think we must 
needs consider them. 

First ; the conjecture of adopting three kings in Bactria be- 
tween EKuthydemos and Eukratides, appears somewhat improba- 
ble. Menandros is among them, whose reign cannot have been 
a short one, since we know that he had made great conquests 
in India, and gained by his justice the general attachment of his 

*M. R. R. infers from the coins, that Demetrios, although for a short 
time, did also reign in Bactria. This conjecture is not improbable, though 
the conclusion of R.R. does not appear to me to be founded on a firm 


1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 673 

subjects. On this fact we have the authority of Plutarch and 

Secondly ; the respective passages, more carefully considered, 
do not render it necessary to consider Menandros as a king of 
Bactria, but they are rather at variance with this view. 

Plutarch makes no mention of Menandros but accidentally; and 
the great conqueror is so little known to him, that he calls him, 
** one Menandros.”? As now even Strabo, though he had before 
him the book of Apollodoros of Artemita, the very best authority 
for this history, does not distinguish in a remarkable manner the 
separated dominions of the Greeks in India, a fact fully estab- 
lished by the evidence of the coins ; we cannot be surprised, that 
Plutarch in later days, confounded the separate Indian empire 
with the Bactrian one. The expression he uses, does not there- 
fore oblige us to consider Menandros as king of Bactria. 

Strabo, when summing up in his passage the greatest extent 
of power on the whole, any where attained by those Greeks 
who rendered Bactria independent, mentions Menandros as the 
sovereign who advanced farthest towards India; but he is not 
named there as king of Bactria, nor does this follow from a 
passage conceived in such general terms as this is. If we do not 
explain this passage as intended to give a general view, but ra- 
ther limit the facts mentioned to Menandros and Demetrios, 
they would be considered by Strabo as those that stirred up 
Bactria against the Seleucides, and who had also possessions in 
the country of the Scythian nomades ; now the first statement 
would be false, and the second improbable. 

Lastly ; the following passage, (Prolo. Trog. Pomp. xu1) 
“** Indice quoque res additae, gestae per Apollodotum et Me- 
nandrum, reges eorum. Bactria was, it is true, already mentioned, 
but why should this prevent a suspicion, that in such an ex- 
tract the expression was too concisely given, and that instead of 
_ explaining “ eorum ”’ by “ Bactrianorum,’’ we should not ra- 
ther supply “ Indorum’’ from * Indice ? ’ 

* Plutarch de Kep. Ger. p. 821. 

Mevavépov oé twoe ev Baxrpoic emueikwc PaotAcvoavroc, stra 
aTo§avovtoc etl oTparoméoou K. Te r. 

Strabo. x1. p. 516. We shall hereafter examine this passage. 

674 Lassen on the History traced (No. 103. 

I infer from this discussion, that none of the passages cited 
necessitate our considering Menandros as a Bactrian king, and 
still less Apollodotos. It is only certain, that Menandros made 
great conquests in India; we must therefore have recourse to 
the coins. P 

Thirdly ; these coins always exhibit Cabulian letters as their 
symbols, and their places of discovery, moreover, refer to an 
Indian empire, and we may justly assign Menandros and Apol- 
lodotos to the history of the Indo-Grecian kingdoms.* 

Now as to Heliokles :— 

This king, mentioned by no author, must have his place as- 
signed him on numismatological grounds alone; but different 
conclusions have been drawn from them by different writers. 
Visconti, and M. Raoul-Rochette think him earlier than Eukra- 
tides ; in this case he might be the very same who removed the 
Euthydemides from the throne, and the epithet, “ the just,’’ 
might allude to his retributive justice towards the family of the 
usurper Kuthydemos. M. Mionnet takes him for the successor, 
and even for the murderer, of his father Eukratides. In this 
case he was perhaps the last Greco-Bactrian king. The numis- 
maticians may settle this dispute among them. There is ample 
room for him, as well before as after Eukratides, if even two 
Eukratides be adopted. ¢ 

* See Mr. Mueller, p. 208. 

+ Visconti. Icon. III. p. 253. R. R. II. p. 20. p. 26. Mionnet VIII. p. 470. 
M. R. R. concedes (p. 20) that Heliokles was coeval with his Eukratides 
II.; but supposing now, that there were two Eukratides, or say even, there 
were only one, how can Heliokles, who has no claim whatever to having 
possessed any empire save Bactria, have been coéval with Eukratides, un- 
less he were his immediate predecessor or successor? The numismatologi- 
cal reason for assigning to Heliokles an earlier era, seems not to be very 
evident, as M. R. R. does not mention any certain fact. Visconti’s inference, 
drawn from the epithet, is wholly mconclusive. But how can we reconcile, 
that in vol. II. p. 20, M. R. R. should make Heliokles a contemporary of 
Eukratides, while in vol. I. p. 33, he is considered the successor of Deme- 
trius, predecessor of Antimachos, and pre-predecessor of Eukratides 1? M. 
Mionnet explained the epithet of Heliokles, by the passage of Justin, 
- in which he prides himself on the murder of his father as of a good deed. If 
he were indeed the son and successor of Eukratides, this interpretation of 

. 1840.) from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 675 

However Demetrius may have been deprived of the Bactrian 
throne, it is established, that he founded an Indian empire ; 
thence attacking Eukratides in Bactria, he was conquered by 
_ this king, who then took possession of India also.* 

Let us first settle where we have to look for the empire of 
Demetrius.- Strabo, in the passage where he takes a general 
view of the conquests of the Greek kings, mentions two of them, 
Demetrios and Menandros, as the greatest conquerors. These 
conquests included partly Ariana, by which Strabo means the 
country of the Paropamisades, Arachosia, and Gedrosia ; and 
partly countries to the north of Sogdiana. The mention of the 
Serians does not lead us to China, as has been objected 
to that reading, but to the Issedon Serica of Ptolemy, on the 
borders of the Achardus, whether it be Yarkiang or Kaschgar, 
and where indeed is the improbability of this supposition ? This 
is the construction of the geographer, Dionysios (p. 752,) 
Kai Téyapor, Ppovyo re, Kal Ovea BapBapa Znpwv.” 
These conquests lastly included districts towards India, and this in 
two directions, in India Proper, beyond the last river reached by 
Alexander, beyond the Hyphasis to the Jumna, and down the 
Indus to the sea, comprising the Delta of Pattalene, and further 
to the east Surastra or Guzerate, extending along the shore.t 

the epithet would be most acceptable, were it not wholly preposterous ; 
for M. R. R. says, (II. p. 20.), ‘‘ Cette idée est si extraordinaire, qu’elle ne 
comporte pas une discussion serieuse. Jamais en aucun temps et dana 
aucun pays du monde on n’a bravé l’opinion publique, ni outrage la 
raison et l’humanité au point de pretendre couvrir un parricide parle titre 
Juste.” I however will not venture “tantas componere lites.” It affords me 
extreme pleasure to learn, that the science of Numismatics is the only 
one which does not submit to force, and pay homage to crime, that it has 
even necessitated such an abominable monster as the son and murderer of 
Eukratides to preserve upon his coins, that respect for public opinion, 
which he elsewhere so boldly violated! 

* Justin. xu1, 6, Strabo x1. 1, p. 516. 

¢ Tosovrov 8: isyvoav ot amoornoavrec “EXAnveg avrny 
(Bactria) dua ryv aperny rine Xwpac, wore tne Apiavng emekoa= 
rovy, Kai Twv Ivdav, we gnaw 0 ’AmoAAdswpoc o ’Aprauurnvec, 

kai tAciw EOvn Karearpedavro n AdéEavdpoc, Kai wadiora Meé- 

674 _ Lassen on the History traced (No. 103. 

I infer from this discussion, that none of the passages cited 
‘necessitate our considering Menandros as a Bactrian king, and 

still less Apollodotos. It is only certain, that Menandros made 
great conquests in India; we must therefore have recourse to 
the coins. : 

Thirdly ; these coins always exhibit Cabulian letters as their 
symbols, and their places of discovery, moreover, refer to an 
Indian empire, and we may justly assign Menandros and Apol- 
lodotos to the history of the Indo-Grecian kingdoms.* 

Now as to Heliokles :— 

This king, mentioned by no author, must have his place as- 
signed him on numismatological grounds alone; but different 
conclusions have been drawn from them by different writers. 
Visconti, and M. Raoul-Rochette think him earlier than Eukra- 
tides ; in this case he might be the very same who removed the 
EKuthydemides from the throne, and the epithet, “ the just,” 
might allude to his retributive justice towards the family of the 
usurper Kuthydemos. M. Mionnet takes him for the successor, 
and even for the murderer, of his father Eukratides. In this 
case he was perhaps the last Greco-Bactrian king. The numis- 
maticians may settle this dispute among them. There is ample 
room for him, as well before as after Eukratides, if even two 
Eukratides be adopted. + 

* See Mr. Mueller, p. 208. 

+ Visconti. Icon. IIT. p. 253. R. R. II. p. 20. p. 26. Mionnet VIII. p. 470. 
M. R. R. concedes (p. 20) that Heliokles was coeval with his Eukratides 
II.; but supposing now, that there were two Eukratides, or say even, there 
were only one, how can Heliokles, who has no claim whatever to having 
possessed any empire save Bactria, have been coéval with Eukratides, un- 
less he were his immediate predecessor or successor? The numismatologi- 
cal reason for assigning to Heliokles an earlier era, seems not to be very 
evident, as M. R. R. does not mention any certain fact. Visconti’s inference, 
drawn from the epithet, is wholly mconclusive. But how can we reconcile, 
that in vol. II. p. 20, M. R. R. should make Heliokles a contemporary of 
Eukratides, while in vol. I. p. 33, he is considered the successor of Deme- 
trius, predecessor of Antimachos, and pre-predecessor of Eukratides 1? M. 
Mionnet explained the epithet of Heliokles, by the passage of Justin, 
in which he prides himself on the murder of his father as of a good deed. If 
he were indeed the son and successor of Eukratides, this interpretation of 

_ 1840.) = from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 675 

However Demetrius “may have been deprived of the Bactrian 
throne, it is established, that he founded an Indian empire ; 
thence attacking Eukratides in Bactria, he was conquered by 
_ this king, who then took possession of India also.* 

Let us first settle where we have to look for the empire of 
Demetrius.. Strabo, in the passage where he takes a general 
view of the conquests of the Greek kings, mentions two of them, 
Demetrios and Menandros, as the greatest conquerors. These 
conguests included partly Ariana, by which Strabo means the 
country of the Paropamisades, Arachosia, and Gedrosia ; and 
partly countries to the north of Sogdiana. The mention of the 
Serians does not lead us to China, as has been objected 
to that reading, but to the Jssedon Serica of Ptolemy, on the 
borders of the Achardus, whether it be Yarkiang or Kaschgar, 
and where indeed is the improbability of this supposition? This 
is the construction of the geographer, Dionysios (p. 752,) 
Kai Toyapor, Ppotyo re, Kal {Ovea BapBapa Znpwr.” 
These conquests lastly included districts towards India, and this in 
two directions, in India Proper, beyond the last river reached by 
Alexander, beyond the Hyphasis to the Jumna, and down the 
Indus to the sea, comprising the Delta of Pattalene, and further 
to the east Surastra or Guzerate, extending along the shore.t 

the epithet would be most acceptable, were it not wholly preposterous ; 
for M. R. R. says, (II. p. 20.), ‘Cette idée est si extraordinaire, qu'elle ne 
comporte pas une discussion serieuse. Jamais en aucun temps et dans 
aucun pays du monde on n’a bravé l’opinion publique, ni outrage la 
raison et l’humanité au point de pretendre couvrir un parricide par le titre 
Juste.” I however will not venture “tantas componere lites.’’ It affords me 
extreme pleasure to learn, that the science of Numismatics is the only 
one which does not submit to force, and pay homage to crime, that it has 
even necessitated such an abominable monster as the son and murderer of 
Eukratides to preserve upon his coins, that respect for public opinion, 
which he elsewhere so boldly violated! 

* Justin. x1, 6, Strabo x1. 1, p. 516. 

¢ Tosovrov 8: isyvoav ot atoornoavrec “EAAnvec avurnv 
(Bactria) dia ryv apeTny ™mo Xwpac, wore THe Apiavne eTEKOa= 
rovy, Kal Twv Ivdav, we gnaw o ’“AmoAAdswpoc o ’Apramurnvoc, 

kat wAstw 2O0vn karearpi¥avro  AXrébavdpoc, Kal madtora Mé- 

676 Lassen’s Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. . {No. 103. 

It has not been noticed, what direction the conquests of De- 
metrius followed; those of Menandros, it is said, were directed 
against India Proper. But who then conquered Ariana? Who 
Pattalene ? Who the country of the Serians ? Strabo makes no 
distinctions there, and the last country at least, could have been 
hardly conquered by Demetrius or Menandros, though we must 
probably ascribe the conquest of Pattalene to either of both 
kings. But to which ? 

vavopoc. elye Kat Tov Yracuw (edd.---viv) ren 7 pOc £0, Kal mex pt 
rov Touavov (edd. ‘Iodmov) mpondfe, 7a pev yap auTOoc, Ta OF 
Anpitptoc 6 EvOvdnpov vioc rov Baxrpiwy Bacréwe. ov [Oo~ 
vov o: rnv [LlarraAnvny Katéayov, adda Kat THC GAANC TapaXiac 
Thy te Lapwoorov ( Sapadcrov) KaXovpévny, Kat tHv Lyép- 
ridoc BaciActav. Kal? ddov Sé now Exelvog THE sUpLTAaONC 
3 = ? 3 a ld \ S A , 
Apuarne Tpoc\Xnpa eivar THY Baxrpiavny. Kat on Kat MEX pt 
Znpwv kat Dovvwy eérevay rHv apxny. The alterations “Yzaouy 
and "Touavov, “are perhaps necessary.”’ ré Lapiosrov occurs together 
with Tecaptocrou in the manuscripts. Mr. Prinsep (As. Trans. VI. p. 
390) first noticed, that by this Surashtra was to be understood. Apollodoros 
has perhaps mentioned a king, who was named after his country, as 
Taxiles was already before named in the same manner. Ptolemy has 
Lupactpnyvy ; according to him, it is the country between Cutch and the 
river Mahi, therefore Guzerate, Sigertis (in Sanscrit perhaps Srigarta) 
must be the coast round Barygaza; Ptolemy has, on the south of the 
Nerbudda, the town Siripala (Sripala) which perhaps denotes the same 
name. In Sanscrit this coast has the name of Lata (pronounced Lara) 
whence the Larice of the ancient ‘authors. 

“It is also called Surashtra, and its inhabitants Swrashtras, the royal 
and excellent royal offspring. Another name for it is Gurjjara-rashtra, 
or kingdom of the Gurjaras or Gurjjas in conversation. Hence it is called 
the country of Gourz or Giourz by one of Renaudot’s Musalman travellers 
in the ninth century. From Surashtra and Gujjara-rashtra they have made, 
in the spoken dialects, Surat, and Gurjjarat, and even Gujjerat.” Essay 
on the ancient Geography of India, M.S.S. No. 277. Library As. 

Soc. of Bengal. 
(To be continued. ) 


Abstract Report of the Proceedings of the Committee appointed to 
superintend the Boring Operations in Fort William, from their 
commencement in December, 1835, to their close in April, 1840. 
Several attempts have at different times been made to supply the 

deficiency of good water in Fort William, by boring through the 

strata on which it stands, in search of subterranean springs. The pre- 
sent operations, which form the most recent of the series, were origi- 
nally commenced in December, 1835, but the site then selected was 
shortly afterwards abandoned in consequence of the operations having 
been impeded by a dislocation of the joints of the metallic tubes 
lining the bore. As all attempts made to rejoint the dislocated 
tubes proved unsuccessful, the Committee selected a new locality 
closely adjoining, however, to that of the original bore, no advantage 
being anticipated from any change of site within the limits of the 

Fort, the succession of strata, and the circumstances of their disposi- 

tion, being alike within so small a space. 

On the 2nd of April, 1836, the operations of the Committee were 
resumed, by commencing the excavation of a shaft, ten feet in 
diameter, ten feet in depth, interiorly rivetted with good masonry, 
and having its bottom strongly planked, with masonry continued 
over the planking. A boarded floor with a central trap door moving 
on hinges so as to admit of access to the shaft, as occasion might re- 
quire, covered the top. A large gin (Sketch No. 1) filled with the 

necessary tackling for working the rods and tools, and having a 

wooden platform supported by massive timber uprights, on which 

a heavy weight of guns was placed to give the requisite stability, was 

erected over the shaft. The rods, &c. were originally worked with 

ropes, but the expenditure of these became so serious as to lead to 
their being replaced by strong chain cables, which were found in 
every respect superior. Two chains attached to the ring of a brace- 
head passed subsequently through a triple block fixed to the apex of 
the gin, and were then led to two powerful crabs, firmly bolted to 
large fixed sleepers, at about fifteen or eighteen feet from the gin. A 
| chain was attached to each crab, and on the screw of the upper rod 
being entered into the brace-head, the crabs were worked simultane- 
ously, and the power of both thus brought to bear in raising the mass 
of the rods, or in any other necessary manner. 


678 Boring Operations in Fort William. (No. 103. 

On the 28th of April the actual excavation of the bore was com- 
menced with a six inch auger, being that adapted to the tubing 
it was intended to employ. On the depth of 120 feet being attained, 
the quicksand, which had rendered the first attempt abortive, was 
again met with. The experience of its previous effects had render- 
ed apparent the necessity of securing firmly the joints of the tubes, 
which was accordingly done by means of four short, but strong 
screws, in the manner represented in sketch No. II. To this precau- 
tion the success of the work so far was undoubtedly to be attributed, 
as the difficulties were found most serious from the loose, even semi- 
fluid, consistence of the sand, which on the removal of a portion of 
the water, then standing in the tubes within 15 feet of the surface, 
immediately rose to seventeen feet, and though the work was conti- 
nued night and day, actually rose faster than its removal could be 
effected, so that at.the end of eleven days and nights of incessant toil, 
it had risen from 124 to 108 feet. 

Hence it became evident, that the only mode of overcoming the 
obstacles presented by the sand, was to force the tubes down till 
coming in contact with some firm stratum, the sand should be exclud- 
ed; by unrelaxing perseverance and much labour, frequently with an 
advance of not more than a few inches in the day, the tubes at length 
attained a depth of 157 feet. The sand was then perceptibly gained. 
upon, and at 159 feet a stiff clay was reached, and the borer which 
during the prevalence of the sand was always behind the tubing, 
now passed it, and in twenty-four hours attained a depth of 175 feet. 

The open auger it was found could not be used with effect ex- 
cept in working through clay ; a valved instrument, therefore, called 
the “‘Mudshell,” had hitherto been employed for raising the sand. 
This tool however here became useless, from some defect in the action 
of the valve, which failed either to admit or retain the sand, now 
coarse and gravelly, and in consequence it was found impracticable 
to penetrate with it beyond 175 feet. One of the augers however 
being fitted with a valve, and otherwise altered so as to retain the | 
‘sand, was employed with partial success, but not to an extent suffi- 
cient to prevent the sand rising in the tubes, since after working 
twenty-one days, and the tubing having been forced down to a depth 
of 177 feet 2 inches, it was found impossible to work the auger 

1840.) Boring Operations in Fort William. 679 

lower than 167 feet 10 inches ; occasionally a partial advance was 
made, but it was neither permanent nor certain, from the constant 
variation of the height of the sand in the tubes. 

On entering the stratum of stiff clay, above alluded to, the night- 
work had ceased, but it was again found necessary to resume it, 
as the only means of overcoming the existing difficulties. The effect 
of this was to carry the bore successfully .to a depth of 182 feet 8 
inches by the 27th of July, when a temporary suspension of the 
operations took place, from the supply of rods having become ex- 
hausted. It may be mentioned, that for some days prior to this date 
considerable inconvenience had been experienced by the stoppage 
of the borer, both in its ascent and descent, by some obstacle, the 
nature of which could not be ascertained. Had it been constant in 
its position, it might have been anticipated that the tubing had again 
been dislocated or forced from the perpendicular, but so far from this 
being the case, the borer occasionally descended and was brought up 
without the least difficulty ; this temporary intermission was followed 
by the re-appearance of the impediment; again it intermitted, and 
latterly disappeared altogether. 

A further supply of the rods having been obtained from Delhi, 
the boring was resumed on the 13th October, 1836.* During this 
interval of suspension, however, it was found that the tubes had 

* The following singular circumstances connected with these Delhi rods, may here 

be placed upon record, though it has been found impossible to obtain any aad 
explanation of their origin or cause. 

.1000 feet of rods, in lengths of 20 feet each, were received from the Court of 
Directors at one time; 500 feet of these were taken indiscriminately for the Fort Ope- 
rations, and the Lee 500 feet were forwarded to the Magazine at Delhi. On the 
occasion of the supply in the Fort becoming exhausted, a portion of those sent to 
Delhi were called for, and 200 feet were in the first instance received, subsequently 
followed by the remaining 300. On working the two sets together a remarkable dif- 
ference was observed between them. Under equal strains the rods obtained from 
Delhi twisted and bent with the utmost facility, while those employed in the Fort 
Operations continued rigid and straight, so that ultimately the latter alone could be 
used in the daily work, the others being laid up in store as useless. Had this flexibi- 
lity been confined to a portion of the Delhi rods, it might have been explicable on 
the supposition that some flexible rods had been intermixed with the rigid ones, but 
it was equally observable in the whole 500 feet of them, so that this explanation can 
scarcely be admitted, especially when it is remembered that in the first instance no 
sert of selection was employed. The strength of the Delhi was however considerably 
greater than that of the Fort rods, the former bearing a strain of 19.6 tons on the 
Square inch, without breaking ; while the latter yielded to astrain of 16.2 tgns per 
square inch. 

680 Boring Operations in Fort William. [No. 108. 

sunk by their own weight from 183 to 187 feet, and the bore could 
now be worked to the depth of 189 feet. By the 10th November 
following, a depth of 238 feet 5 inches had been attained, the chief 
difficulty in prosecuting the work arising from the imperfect action 
of the instrument employed in raising the sand, in consequence of 
which the whole contents of the shell were frequently removed during 
its passage to the surface. To the construction of the valves of such 
instruments, much attention ought therefore to be paid, as on the effec- 
tive action of these, the progress of the operations is most essentially 

On the 15th November, an attempt was made to bring up some 
water from the bottom of the bore by lowering a bottle with a large 
brass plummet attached to it, to cause it to sink; but unfortunately 
before it could be raised, the connecting string broke, and the plum- 
met was left below. Considerable anxiety was excited by this, from 
the anticipation (subsequently realized) of the auger coming in con- 
tact with the plummet, and being jammed within the tubing. On 
arriving at the depth of 271 feet, the lower part of the.mudshell, in- 
cluding the valve, from some unknown cause broke off, and remained 
at the bottom of the bore. ‘This accident caused much trouble, but 
after various attempts to extricate the fractured shell, the perforation 
of an aperture in it, by the use of a jumper, admitted of a strong 
conical worm auger being screwed into it, and by the hold thus 
obtained, it was successfully raised to the surface. 

At the depth of 324 feet the borer came in contact with the 
Jong lost plummet, and became so firmly jammed between it and the 
tubing as to foil every effort made for its extrication, though the 
force applied at one time was so great as to raise the whole body 
of the tubing about 4 inches, the weight of this being certainly not 
less than 74 tons, exclusive of friction. To guard against the in- 
convenience of an accidental fracture of the rods at any considerable 
distance beneath the surface, while they were subject to such strains, 
Captain Thomson of the Engineers suggested that the uppermost rod 
should be made thinner and weaker than those within the bore (so 
as to give way first) but yet capable of bearing a strain of 25 tons. 
The force subsequently applied caused the rods however to break at 
their connection with the mudshell, and though they were all brought 

1840. | Boring Operations in Fort William. 681 

up, the tool remained below. A new operation therefore became 
necessary for extracting the shell, and first the upper portion of it was 
considerably widened by the use of a jumper. A drill was then 
introduced, and after several day’s labour a hole, sufficiently large to 
admit of the conical worm auger being screwed into the shell, was 
drilled. The entire shell was immediately brought up, bearing ample ~ 
indications of having been inscontact with the plummet, but leaving 
it still at the bottom of the bore. 

On the first of October, 1837, the depth attained by the tubing 
was 431 feet, while the depth of the bore varied from 418 to 426 
feet, according to the height of the sand. The water stood from ten to 
twelve feet from the surface, according to the seasons. By the 30th 
of April, 1838, the bore was 460 feet deep, and by the 18th Septem- 
ber following, a total depth of 481 feet was reached. Just prior how- 
ever to that depth being attained, the progress of the tubing was 
arrested by large stones requiring the use of the jumper. By its aid 
the tubing was again set free, but at 481 feet again arrested, and a 
repetition of the employment of the jumper became necessary. As 
the tool originally employed proved insufficient to fracture the stones 
then met with, a larger and heavier one was attached to the rods, 
and after a few blows, seemed to have effected its purpose; but on 
attempting to raise it again it was found to be so firmly jammed 
that every attempt at dislodging it proved fruitless. A great power 
was simultaneously applied to raising the rods, and forcing down the 
tubes, but with no other effect than the perceptible elongation of 
the former. About 150 blows of a ram, weighing 23 ewt., with a 
fall of fifteen feet, were then given to the head of the rods, in the 
hope that the vibration thus communicated to them would tend to 
loosen the jumper from its hold. The large accumulation of sand 
over the tool and round the rods rendered it however problematical 
if the vibrations ever reached the jumper; and if they did, there can 
be little doubt that the above cause tended most materially to dimi- 
nish their intensity, as no useful result followed the trial of this expe- 
riment. Again, and as a final effort, the tubing was securely held 
down, and four powerful jack-screws were applied to raise the rods, 
which after stretching two feet six inches, and thereby affording a gleam 
of hope that,the difficulty was vanquished, unfortunately broke off at 

682 Boring Operations in Fort William. [No. 103. 

one of the connecting joints, 160 feet from the surface, the remaining 
320 feet attached to the jumper, being left within the bore. 

Under these circumstances the only hope of being able to con- 
tinue the operations lay in the practicability of unscrewing and 
raising the rods, and this after much difficulty was at length so far 
satisfactorily effected by the use of an ingenious instrument designed 
by Captain John Thomson, that 29@ of the 320 feet of the rods 
were successfully extracted. This instrument consisted of three 
steel arms rivetted to an iron bell, in the manner shewn in sketch 
No. III, and subsequently welded to the end of the undermost 
boring rod. The interior surfaces of the steel arms were cut in 
grooves so inclined, that on the head of the rod to be extracted 
being grasped within them, and a rotatory motion communicated to 
the instrument from above, the teeth cut into the soft iron, and by 
the hold thus obtained, the unscrewing and raising were effected. 
The bell acted as a guide, and was made of diameter just sufficient to 
admit of the instrument being readily worked within the tubing. It 
became necessary to pass iron pins through all the connecting joints 
of the rods, otherwise the rotatory motion would have unscrewed 

On the 16th of February, 1839, the instrument above described 
was again successfully employed in unscrewing twenty feet more of 
the fractured rods. After this a single rod, only ten feet in length, 
remained attached to the jumper, and repeated attempts were made to 
effect its extrication, till at length during one of these, its joint 
unfortunately broke off, leaving the difficulty greater than ever. The 
only remedy which presented itself, was to construct a second instru- 
ment of which the steel arms would be long enough to lay hold of the 
shoulder strap in the centre of the rod. This instrument, after 
several unsuccessful attempts had been made with it to unscrew the 
broken rod, also gave way, the upper part appearing with one arm 
attached to it, while the other two arms attached to the bell remained 
below. By the use of the conical worm auger the broken instrument 
was occasionally raised as high as thirty feet, but the hold of it could 
never be retained to any greater height, some obstacle to its further 

progress upwards invariably meeting it there, and effectually prevent- 
ing its removal. 

1840. | Boring Operations in Fort Wilham. 683 

From the 10th to the 15th February, 1840, the work was pro- 
secuted night and day without intermission, as a final effort to remove 
the sand which had accumulated over the broken instrument, rod, 
&c. and thus to admit of another tool (designed by Sergeant Long- 
hurst, Sappers and Miners) to be used with greater facility. This 
tool shewn in sketch No. IV. consisted of an iron rod with four 
strong palls attached to it, and so constructed, that while the tube 
was passing down -the tubing, or within the bell of the broken in- 
strument, they lay close to the rod, but on its passing completely 
through, they moved on their axes and caught underneath the tubing 
or bell, so as to give fulera for the force from above to act upon. 
In this instance, however, as before, the attempt terminated in dis- 
appointment, for though the broken instrument was occasionally 
raised a few feet, every exertion failed in raising it to the surface. 

A long continuance of unceasing exertion on the part of those 
employed having thus proved insufficient for the removal of these 
obstacles, the Committee considered it their duty to discontinue, and 
were on the eve of communicating to Government their unanimous 
- opinion that a further prosecution of the boring operations would only 
be incurring expense, for which there was no prospect of any adequate 
return, when it was suggested to them that some good effect might re- 
sult from the explosion of a charge of powder, contained in a water- 
tight case, in the immediate vicinity of the broken tool and jumper. 
The Committee deeming it possible that the concussion thereby caused 
might loosen the hold of the jumper, or fracture the broken tool, so as 
to admit of its fragments being raised to the surface, and willing to 
adopt any expedient which promised them the power of continuing 
their labours, determined to make the proposed experiment. There 
was reason to believe that the steel arms of the lifting tool were con- 
siderably expanded and in contact on each side with the tubing, 
it was therefore desirable that the powder should be lodged within the 
arms, so that they at least might be broken in pieces by the first ex- 
plosion. With this view a strong tin case, carefully soldered and 
terminating in a pointed extremity, was prepared for the reception of 
about 15 ibs of powder, but preparatory to charging it for explosion it 
was filled with dry sand, firmly plugged up, covered with water-proof 
composition, and lowered to the bottom of the bore. On raising it 

684 Boring Operations in Fort Wilham. [No. 103. 

again, the original cylindrical case was found to have been compressed 
by the water, into the shape of an octagon, acute ridges, about 4 of an 
inch in height, alternating with the flattened sides (sketch No. V.) 
The pressure had. ruptured the tin at the edge of the top of the case, 
and the sand was saturated with the water. A double case was then 
constructed, having interior cross pieces to strengthen it, but a similar 
result to the preceding followed the lowering of this, and for it also the 
pressure (upwards of 5,000 tbs.) was found too great. A cylinder of 
wrought iron was then prepared, and on sending it down the bore it 
was found so far capable of resisting the pressure of the water as to 
retain its shape, but the sand was still damped. Since however the 
water had only partially wetted the sand, it seemed probable that ad- 
ditional care in soldering and in applying the water-proof covering 
might exclude it altogether, and accordingly it was determined to make 
the first attempt with this wrought iron case. 

The depth of water being about 465 feet, the galvanic battery 
was of course the only igniting agent which could be employed ; 
and the following are the details of the arrangements adopted. A 
wooden plug was turned somewhat larger at one extremity than 
the collar of the cylinder into which it was subsequently to be driven. 
On opposite sides of this plug, grooves were prepared for the re- 
ception of the interior conducting wires. Considerable difficulty was - 
experienced in making the grooves perfectly impervious to water 
under great pressure, in consequence of the wires being twisted, but 
ultimately the following means were employed with entire success. 
The grooves were first filled with fine Europe sealing wax, and the 
wires being previously made very hot, were forced into and completely 
imbedded themselves in it. Subsequently a red-hot iron was held 
near the wax of each groove, till it boiled freely, and a strip of wood 
was then forced in over the wire so as effectually to close every 
aperture. The interior extremities of the wires were as usual 
connected by a short piece of thin platinum, in contact with which 
a cartridge of dry fine powder was placed. The main conducting 
wires were one-sixth of an inch in diameter, and their entire length was 
nearly 1003 feet. As the bore was lined to the bottom with iron 
tubing, it appeared essential to insulate the conductors as perfectly 
as possible, and each wire was accordingly first cased in hempen 

° f 
Showing he General Arrangerne rots y 
ofthe Boring Apparatus Tackling Crabs. Chains Fea Yea / 

N° IL 
Shewiig the HHethod. of firirg the Joris 
of the Titbes 

= = = 
aj ~ 
zt - = 
~ | = < 
= = Io . 
aS. - - | - ~ 
= ul e “- a 
~~ | 
a —_ WH | = i - 
. ae | | we — . - 
— - a Ps — 
(SR Bard Semath ued me 
April 24* f6e0 m . 

Wye a a a ‘ 
Sievichutstastah. ates ete nal ln ce oe eae 

* oe AY 
Ta ee 
phe ° 

ee ae oe eee 

Steel Armed and Teothed Rod Lifterrg 
Tool (by Gagotarr Thomson) 

Food Lifting Toot with moveadle Falls 
(by Sergt Longhurst 


Shewing the Cylender un ts Greular 
and comyeressedl States 

: Har nore Tath Pre Bally Po 

Section of the Cast Iron Cylin 
torr of the Interior Con 

cer shewing the cespose 

OMucting Wires bea Nea 

SRB acca Sresth Lrestt 
Apri 8 18s0 



1840. ] Boring Operations in Fort William. 685 

strands, over which a thick coating of pitch and grease was applied, 
and then the two wires were lashed together by similar strands, 
and again covered with pitch and tallow. A single rope, about 
an inch in diameter, was thus formed, and on immersing the whole 
in water, its action was tested, and a battery of twelve indifferent 
plates sufficed to effect the ignition of powder. 

On the charge being placed in the cylinder, and the platinum 
Wire protected by means of a small tin priming tube, the plug was 
driven into the collar. Over it, and for the purpose of preventing the 
water forcing its way through the wood, a tin cap, having two holes 
for the conducting wires to pass through, was carefully driven down 
and soldered. In order to prevent this cap establishing a metallic 
communication between the wires, and thus preventing the passage 
of the galvanic fluid to the platinum wire, the diameter of the aper- 
tures for the wires was made considerably larger than that of the 
wires themselves, and the top of the plug covered with sealing wax. 
The application of a red hot iron melted the sealing wax, and on the 
cap being driven down it rose through the apertures and formed an 
insulating collar round each wire. These arrangements being com- 
plete, and the battery of 24 cells, 14 inches x 14 inches, in action, the 
main conductors were connected to those of the cylinder, and the 
insulating covering continued over the junction, when the cylinder 
was lowered to the bottom of the bore. On its reaching this, the 
circuit was completed, but no explosion followed, and on examination 
it was found that from the smallness of the priming tube the plati- 
num wire had come in contact with the metal, by which of course 
its ignition was prevented. It was also found that though the 
priming powder was dry, the water had reached the main charge, and 
completely spoiled it. Further precautions being taken, several at- 
tempts were made, but all with the same result, and it became evident 
that the wrought iron case could not be rendered water-tight. Re- 
course was then had to casting a cylinder of iron half an inch thick 
throughout, and on trial this was found to be perfectly capable of 
resisting the pressure of the water, and preserving the charge dry. 
The first attempt with this failed from some unascertained cause, and 
as it was thought possible that some portion of the conductor might 
have come in contact with the iron tubing, an additional covering of 
lashings, with pitch and grease, was applied for a second attempt. 


686 Boring Operations in Fort William. [No. 103. 

This also failed, and unfortunately in raising the cylinder, to endea- 
vour to discover the cause of failure, the lifting rope gave way, and it 
became necessary to haul on the conductor. This had been done 
once or twice before, without any bad effects, but on this occasion the 
junction of the wires at the collar of the cylinder was not sufficiently 
strong to bear the weight, and the case after being raised for some | 
distance dropped back to the bottom of the bore. All hopes of benefit 
from this expedient being thus summarily disappointed, it only re- — 
mains to be stated, that the operations of the Committee were finally 
closed on the 20th of April, 1840. 

Throughout the course of the preceding narrative, all reference 
to the geological information the labours of the Committee have been 
instrumental in eliciting, has been avoided, from a desire to render the 
mechanical details as continuous as possible, but as few such oppor- 
tunities as the present have ever been given for observing the struc- 
ture of alluvial DeuTas, a condensed summary of the various points 
of interest to the geologist is now appended. 

After penetrating through the surface soil to a depth of about © 
ten feet, a stratum of stiff blue clay, fifteen feet in thickness, was met - 
with. Underlaying this was a light coloured sandy clay, which 
became gradually darker in colour from the admixture of vegetable 
matter, till it passed into a bed of peat, at a distance of about eighty 
feet from the surface. Beds of clay and variegated sand, intermixed 
with kunkur, mica, and small pebbles, alternated to a depth of 
120 feet, when the sand became loose, and almost semifluid in its 
texture. At 152 feet the quicksand became darker in colour and 
coarser in grain, intermixed with red water-worn nodules of hydra- 
ted oxide of iron, resembling to a certain extent the laterite of South 
India. At 159 feet a stiff clay with yellow veins occurred, altering 
at 163 feet remarkably in colour and substance, and becoming dark, 
friable, and apparently containing much vegetable and ferruginous 
matter. A fine sand succeeded at 170 feet, and this gradually be- 
came coarser and mixed with fragments of quartz and felspar to a 
depth of 180 feet. At 196 feet, clay impregnated with iron was passed 
through, and at 221 feet, sand recurred, containing fragments of lime- 
stone with nodules of kunkur and pieces of quartz and felspar; the 
same stratum continued to 340 feet, and at 350 feet a fossil bone, 
conjcctured to be the humerus of a dog, was extracted. At 360 feet a — 

1840.) Boring Operations in Fort William. 687 

piece of supposed tortoise shell was found, and subsequently several 
pieces of the same substance were obtained. At 372 feet another 
fossil bone was discovered, but it could not be identified, from its be- 
ing torn and broken by the borer. At 392 feet a few pieces of fine 
coal, such as are found in the beds of mountain streams, with some 
fragments of decayed wood, were picked out of the sand, and at 400 
feet a piece of limestone was brought up. From 400 to 481 feet fine 
sand, like that of a sea-shore intermixed largely with shingle, composed 
of fragments, of primary rocks, quartz, felspar, mica, slate, limestone, 
prevailed, and in this stratum the bore has been terminated. 

In conclusion, the Committee have much pleasure in acknowledg- 
ing the valuable aid derived by them on many occasions of diffi- 
culty from the advice and ingenuity of Captain J. Thomson of En- 
gineers; and they desire also to express their entire approval of the 
zeal and intelligence uniformly displayed by Sergeant Thomas Long- 
hurst of Sappers and Miners, during the whole time he was in charge 
of the details of the boring operations. 

D. McLeEop Col. and Presdt. 

Fort WILLIAM, A. IrnvinE, Major. 
Chief Engineer's Office, F. P. Srrone. 
May 15th, 1840. W. R. FirzGERALp. 

P.S.—Since the above Report has been signed by the Members, 
I have recollected a most unintentional omission, for which I am 
entirely responsible, and which I am therefore desirous of supplying. 

It is due to Lieutenant Richard Baird Smith of Engineers, to state 
that he has not only taken a great interest in all our proceedings, 
but has rendered great assistance in carrying them on during the 
most difficult period of the operations, since he has resided in Fort 
William ; moreover, the employment of the Galvanic Battery to blow 
up the lower portion of the tubing, &c. was suggested to the Committee 
by him, and the apparatus applied in that process, as above described, 
was entirely on his design. I may add, that his intelligence and 
knowledge of the subject, enabled him to give essential aid in arrang- 
ing the materials for the above Report. 

D. McLeEop, Colonel, 
Chief Engineer. 


Report on a line of Levels taken by order of the Right Honorable the 
Governor General, between the Jumna and Sutlij rivers. By Lieut. 
W. E. Baker, Superintendent of Canals West of the Jumna. 

The subject of inquiry proposed, having been to ascertain the practi- 
Preliminary Observations. Cability of establishing a water communication 
for the passage of boats between the Jumna and the Sutlij; I consi- 
dered that the best preliminary measure would be to take a cross section, 
fixing at certain points the relative levels of those rivers and of the in- 
termediate hill torrents, and the greatest height attained by the inter- 
vening ridges. 

The line (viz., one between Kurnaul and Loodiana) which I selected 

Selection of aline. for this section, was recommended by the follow- 
ing considerations :— 

Ist. It connects the highest points of both rivers to which boats of 
considerable burthen habitually resort. 

2nd. It lies in a South-east and North-west direction, parallel to 
that of the Sub-Himalayas, and consequently perpendicular to the 
general lines of drainage. 

3rd. It crosses each of the considerable mountain torrents’ before 
its junction with the Cuggur; and, lastly, its length was well suited to 
the time (about three weeks) to which, having no Assistant, I was 
obliged to limit my absence from the canals under my charge. 

Having no accurate map of the country, I had merely a general idea 
Irregularities and ine- Of the direction from Kurnaul in which I should 
qualities accounted for. strike Loodiana, which will account for the devia- 
tions from a straight course observable in the accompanying map. My 
object being to note the general features of the country, I took no pains 
to avoid merely local inequalities, and my Section therefore exhibits 
much greater irregularities of surface than it need have done, had I had 
leisure previously to examine the ground ahead of my levelling instru- 
ment. The hollow in the neighbourhood of Puttiala, for instance, might 
have been in a great measure avoided by a more northerly course. 

The information thus obtained is necessarily incomplete, and though 

Nature of the informa- it has in my opinion proved the practicability of 
tion required. the contemplated measure, it has not furnished — 
data for a detailed project, and still less for an estimate of the probable 


Dooraiki Serai 

iy Sauaiwal 




Branch of Sule 
Old Bed of Sutlej 

ranch of Sutley 
MS Aeaake | 

SKELETONMAPand PROFILE of a Line levelled between the JUMNA and SUTLEJ in February 1840. 

to ascertain the pufritility of connecting these Firvers by a Navigable Canal 

Scale fur the Map be & Miles p= Inch 
fi 6 es 

Neale of LOft pp jnch for the Heights in the Profite 
feo 2 xe x “ 


Bist poor Noorada. rian LEP 
——— 7; Machen 2 FT 
Disraili merge peer 
% aes Aizeaniers Duraaper 
PAHUL: 4 Gremqner 
ah 3 
& é ey 3 E © 3 x 
= = & = z & eS 
S < 2 /\ + > 
ps u 2 
My : = HH i § le 
} S > 2 


walls & 

Sl E 



d Nulla. 
1 Bharsoo 

= Dayrmajr 

1 ta 

Branches of the Cuyaur 



; \ iameee Wie Ouggssr 
| G ; 

i SF) 
— M 

wad Nes ee 



of Aes rhe lex 

Ne: ches ye 

* Brancke 

Sra wehar 




Branobof the Cuggur 



Main ranch of Markunda 

oe Surmiplalicl 


Betificcal Welercoucse from Markie 



The Strong Black Lines Shew the Levels of apofsthle still water Canal fir Navigation 

dv from the Suctley Oe Moopwr | The cethed liner thive Shew the 

ff The Lockage at abce.d.e to hesupplied wilh Water from the Dehli Canal at Indree \ The Vertical doudle Lines reprennt Walls 
fohiklinnopqr. 4 


avernige le 



2 Datheow 
_¥ Animanat 

' oi Sunn 

Burthal Camino f 

2 Seat oer 

ZesteWReree a 

pansy de We 

npeanyengs mesforemooiopea propre 


sopnrys rye Ji PyoUeaT 

cimbBng forey/3 0G 

unbling fo young 

SMusingshim 2 jchsvw 


aranosuepnan 210?” 

an8snp Sas uUs UTR 


B ae 

ceeulitiny yassonposs egy 



‘ a ri 
2] ci 
4 | 
4 até 3 
wpe OPT 3 
enn (48/8 
7 5 ° 
3 (fom 

> x 8 = 
3 4 Si 
- = 

Nish Thea 

fo OOS 

, ' wupaegen 
) ; Teeeo a> 

Hp ua terje ey 


Iewil a 
TAT vel 


oy Bungay 
aries Le 

seo pi +] 
i i 


aopwenl t— : 
are: Va V 
ne ipa 

“rpuny. ange HOES WIR 

Zh ere 

wpa npn yy mass eranorr zea ForsieeD Se. 

Gees Lb 

pon a = 

ite 2 ance 
(6619 4 soyoneasr ie ' i 


H | MPR _ 

i abbey de e6@i 


\ { 

1 | a2ncyongy| 

| embero fexonnig 

i i 

, 1 ‘ 
v UnysurENyW 

senbling wess/oramoseeyi7) aie 
f 2 lies . 

sanddng mig gorsovcnee ow = ‘ 

4 seem Syecare 1 


Level of Water in the Jununa 


erage Level 

Skew the ay) 

doible Lines represent W 

The Vertveat 
The detled limes this 





Sketch Map| of parts of the Jumna & Sutlej Rivers. 

cxJ : 30 

= of 0. Miles 

ig = 
E = 5 
a Scale of Mites 



Doorn Te 
___ Freposed srppiy | 

Oud Loo 

Millerrirotla “ 
Xa ohars00 
—— = 

2S Nata 



\. The highest poiwt of Mee Ridge 

» Serhind 


a gh ae a m 



1840. | Levels between the Jumna and Sutlij. 689 

cost of the undertaking ; such as it is, however, I have judged expedient 
_ Why now submitted. to communicate it at once, both as a report of 
progress, and to enable Government to decide whether or not it be ad- 
visable to prosecute the inquiry further. 
The cost of the present survey amounts, as per contingent bill, 
Cost of the survey. submitted to the Military Board, to Company’s 
rupees 74:9: 0. 
In the accompanying Skeleton map and section, I have endeavoured 
Reference to the Map to condense most of the information obtained, and 
gadpechpn. to show at one glance the result of my inquiry. 
In this it will be seen, that from the level of the Jumna to the town of 
Pahul, near which the greatest elevation (67 feet, 11 inches, 25) is at- 
tained, there is a general rise, partially interrupted by the beds of in- 
tervening rivers, which may be thus particularized :— 
The Chittung — an inconsiderable nulla, has no detined valley. Of 
The Chittung river. its surplus waters, spreading out during the rainy 
season, right and left over the country, but little returns into its 
eontracted channel; and of late years, no considerable flood has reached 
even as far as Dhatrut, in the Jheend territory, from whence to Buhadera, 
in the Bikuneer State, the ancient bed of this river is occupied by the 
Canal of Feroze Shah. 
From the ridge dividing the Chittung and the Sursootee, there is a 
considerable descent to the bed of the latter river, 

The Valley of the : : fe 
Sursootee, eee n tte which may almost be said to have already joined 

da, and the Cuggur ri- 

the Markunda and the Cuggur at the point 
where I crossed them. From near Thanesur to 
Konaheree, the whole tract of country (with the exception of village 
sites) is liable to inundation from the Sub-Himalayan torrents, diffused 
Their peculiar charac. OVEF its surface by means of a net-work of natural 
— and artificial water-courses, of which some are 
supplied from more than one of the rivers above named; others, again, 
flow from one river into another, and during great floods (as I was 
given to understand) all three are frequently united. The inhabitants 
avail themselves largely of the inundation for rice cultivation, though 
Their use for irriga- during the present season at least, little advantage 
tion. appeared to have been taken of the facilities 

afforded for irrigating Rubbee crops, which, where they existed, were 

690 Levels between the Jumna and Sutlij. — [No. 103. 

generally watered from Wells. I had not leisure to ascertain, by personal 
examination, whether the first diffusion of these rivers (which I have 
Their diffusion ac- myself seen nearer the hills in single and separate 
EP streams) were caused by natural or artificial means, 
but it is probably attributable to both. The slope and evenness of the 
country, are calculated to favor even the rudest attempts to divert the 
streams from their original beds, and the same circumstances would also 
render it easy, were it desirable, to confine them again to one or two 
principal channels. What I have designated as the ‘‘ main branches” of 
the Markunda and Cuggur, are distinguished from the others, not so 
much by their superior size, as by the presence of a small thread of 
running water. 
The valley of the Sursootee, Markunda, and Cuggur, such as I have de- 
hei aimportance /as scribed it, though extending to a width of twenty- 
an obstacle tothe Canal. nine miles, would present no insurmountable ob- 
stacle to the formation of a navigable Canal across it, though the ex- 
pense attendant on the provision of the necessary embankments and 
aqueducts, would be considerable. And on this account, as well as for 
other reasons, to be noted hereafter, a more advantageous line for the 
Canal would probably be found further to the south-west, below the 
town of Sumana. 
The river which flows past Puttiala, has a different character from 
The Puttiala, or Kosil- the preceding. Its channel at the point where I 
fener crossed it, is so deep, that I could not have sup- 
posed its waters would ever be capable of spreading out over the 
country, had not the construction of an embankment between the stream 
and the city (said to be for the protection of the walls), proved that it is 
sometimes liable to overtop its banks. At this point, in consequence of 
its deep narrow section, it would be easily crossed by a short aqueduct. 
Immediately beyond the city of Puttiala, I encountered several ridges _ 
of sand, which would most likely be avoidable on another line, but if 
Sand ridges. not, it would merely be necessary to puddle the 
Canal bed throughout their extent, to prevent heavy loss of water by 
The Sirhind Nulla, which I crossed about sixteen miles beyond 
Puttiala, flows in one or more channels through 

TheSirhind Nulla. in wi 
Gis Ry pap ees a valley 500 or 600 yards in width, having but a 

1840. | Levels between the Jumna and Sutli. 691 

Its character and uses for Slight depression below the adjoining country. Its 
oo at flood waters could, with very little labour and 
skill, be let out by side cuts to inundate the lands lying on its east bank, 
and I therefore conclude that such a practice is adopted, as the natives 
of this province are fully aware of the value of that peculiar system of 
irrigation, which consists in flooding the land once a year. 
From the West bank of the Sirhind Nulla to a few miles beyond 
Sand ridges. | Pahul, the land is generally level, but intersected 
by a few sand hills, one of which, between the villages of Bishnpoor 
and Kuddoo, may be considered the crest of the ridge, dividing the 
Jumna from the Sutlij. 
From Doorai-ki-Serai westward, the descent is rapid, and the fall 
Descent to the Sutlij. appears to be broken in a remarkable manner into 
steps, ending in an abrupt cliff of 30 feet, on the western continuation 
of which stands the fort and town of Loodiana. At some former period 
this cliff was evidently the eastern boundary of the Sutlij, and even yet, 
as I am given to understand, the waters of that river when swelled by 
the monsoon floods, frequently reach its base. 
The remaining tract of seven and a quarter miles, intersected by 
Valley of the Sutlij. | branches of the Sutlij, is proved by its loose sandy 
soil, as well as by its topographical position, to be an alluvial deposit of 
the river; and were the canal to join the Sutlij at this point, it would be 
more advisable to deepen the Nulla which flows under the Fort, than to 
make a new excavation through such unfavorable soil. 
As my commission did not include an examination of the Sutlij, I 
Capabilities for naviga- May perhaps not be expected to offer an opinion 
lion near Loodiana- —_9n its navigable capabilities ; but I may be permit- 
ted to remark, en passant, that the stream near Loodiana appears to have 
two characteristics decidedly unfavorable to navigation; viz. a sandy 
Shifting sands. bed, and a considerable fall ; a combination of cir- 
cumstances which cannot fail to produce shifting and uncertain shoals. 
With a view of ascertaining the level of springs along the line of my 
Depth of wells through- Section, I measured the depth of 156 wells be- 
eyethe dine. tween Kurnaul and Loodiana, and the average 
result is shewn in the profile by blue dotted lines. In this I had two 
objects ; first to ascertain whether, as some suppose, measurements of the 
level of springs would give data for an approximate calculation of the 

692 Levels between the Jumna and Sutlj. (No. 103. 

profile of a country ; and, secondly, to obtain one element for calculating 
the amount of absorption in a standing canal, for which it would be 
No sure index of super- ecessary to provide a daily compensation. In 
fog apa, the former respect my present observations, as 
well as those made with the same view in other localities, shew that 
the level of springs is too much affected by the vicinity of streams, the 
degree of permeability of soils, and other local circumstances, to admit 
of any accurate conclusion being drawn from them, regarding the 
profile of the surface. But with reference to the second object of 
Effect on the amount of MY inquiry, it is satisfactory to find that the wells 
eberaptiee: measured, have generally so little depth, as the 
waste by absorption in the contemplated canal, will be relatively much 
less. In illustration of this point I may mention, that in the Paneeput 
district, where before the introduction of the Delhi canal the springs 
were from thirty to forty feet below the surface, they are now from 
fifteen to thirty feet ; whereas in Hurriana the springs have been raised 
since Feroze’s canal was opened, in some instances, as much as sixty 
On the accompanying profile I have sketched out what I consider to 
Practicability of the be a possible section of a still water canal, from 
pe epee] the highest level of which, between Pahul and 
Doorai-ki-Serai, the westward descent of sixty-three feet to the level of 
the Sutlij, is made by means of seven locks; while to the eastward a 
descent of thirty and a half feet to the valley of the Markunda and Sur- 
sootee, is effected in five locks, after which a partial rise of six and a 
half feet is necessary to cross the ridge separating these rivers from the 
Chittung, followed by a descent of thirty-eight feet, by four locks to the 
level of the Jumna. Water sufficient for the westward lockage, as well 
as to compensate for waste by absorption and evaporation, could be 
Water for lockace and Supplied at the highest level by a cut taken from 
wastage, how obtained. the Sutlij, at the point where it debouches from 
the lower hills, and conducted along the crest of the ridge; and on the 
eastern extremity of the canal, we might obtain water for the same pur- 
The possible Section poses by a water-course from the Delhi canal above 
not recommended as an . : ae 
ad¥isable one! Indree. In sketching out this project, I would 
be clearly understood not to recommend it as an advisable one. The 
number of masonry aqueducts required here, the necessity for which 

1840. | Levels between the Jumna and Sutlyj. 693 

“Its object. would be obviated by a more southerly course, would 
alone point out the latter as preferable; but if it can be shewn that 
the scheme is feasible on a line taken at random, the probable exist- 
ence of one decidedly favorable, will readily be admitted. 

Whether the construction of such a work would be eventually as 

Utility of the measure beneficial to the country as it appears practicable 
considered with tefet- as an engineering operation, the Government are 
of the Upper Provinces. qoybtless in possession of better information to 
guide their judgment, than any which I could afford them. At the 
present time it might facilitate the transport of military stores required 
for warlike operations westward of the Sutlij, but this inducement 
will fail whenever Magazines may be formed on the banks of the Indus, 

_and their contents transported by water from Bombay. As regards the 
public interest, however, the case is different, attention being now so 
universally attracted towards the shorter communications with Europe, 
whether by the Mesopotamian route or that of the Red Sea, it cannot 
be supposed that the use of these means will long be restricted to 
the conveyance of mails ; the more valuable description of merchandise 

will soon follow, and shipments for Europe will be made from some 
port to be established near the mouths of the Indus. The North- 
western provinces of India will abandon the present circuitous route 
by Calcutta, and send their exports by the more direct one of the Indus, 
_and the deserts bordering the east banks of that river, which will then 
_be the only obstruction, may be turned by the contemplated canal. 
Though fully aware of the more than apathy which exists in this 
Its obvious advantages. Country towards any thing involving a change of 
| established usage, and but little acquainted with the nature and amount 
of produce exchanged between the several provinces of India, yet 
I can scarce suppose that the community would not avail themselves 
of the facilities for the circulation of trade, which would be afforded by 
ha communication between two such rivers as the Ganges and the Indus, 
embracing such an extent of fertile country, and entering the sea at 
such distant points. 

If it be urged that the construction of a canal would be premature 
‘A plausible objec- before the full establishment of the trade which 
i answered. is to give it employment, I would reply, that the 
formation, or at least the certain prospect of a canal, would be one 


694 Levels between the Jumna and Sutlij. (No. 103. 

great inducement to the establishment of trade. No merchant, for 
instance, would bring European stores to Ferozepore for supplying the 
stations of Kurnaul, Meerut, and Dehli, with a prospect of 200 or 300 
miles of land carriage, rendered peculiarly difficult by the nature of the 
country, and the scarcity of all means of transport. 

Should Government decide on the further prosecution of this 
A new line recommend- jnquiry, I beg to recommend for examination the 
ed for future examina- ,, : : 
tion. lines tinted blue in the annexed sketch map; that 
marked a. b. ec. is calculated to cross the Cuggur below the junction of 
its tributaries, and to avoid a spur of high land, which I am led to 
believe, crosses the direct road from Kurnaul to Ferozepore. The 
line d. b. would be that of the supply channel from the Sutlij. 

In conclusion, I beg to state that the field book and original protrac- . 

Field book and orgi- tions of my survey and levels, on a scale of one 
nal protractions avail- : é ’ 
able. mile to an inch, are at the disposal of Govern- 

ment for any purpose. 

Memoir on the Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan).— By Lieut. 

Colonies of people speaking the same, or nearly the same dialect 
as the Hos, or Lurka-koles of Singbhoom, but of whose customs and 
history we are ignorant, may be traced from the jungles of Ramgurh 

(near Hazareebaugh) to the south and southward along Moherbunj, 

Keonjur, Gangpoor, down to the confines of Buna Nagpoor, where 
they are distinguished from the Génds (in Géndwana) by the name 
of “ Kirkees.” Those colonies described to me by Gonds are insulated, 
semi-barbarous, and confined to the wildest parts of that country. 
The country lying north and north-east of Gondwana, and west of 
Gangpoor, and south of Surgoojia, are in all probability inhabited by 
the main stock, from whence these small settlements have wandered. 
These regions have never been explored, and are wrapped in the 
greatest obscurity. We only know that they are traversed by large 
streams. The Koil, the Hutsoo, the east and west Shunk, and the 
Brahminee, which flow into the sea, north-east of Kuttuck, or join 


1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 695 

the Mohanuddee. The Shunk is said to be navigable above Gangpoor 
for tolerably large boats, and may therefore be presumed to become 
a considerable river in its passage to thesouthward ; watered by such 
fine streams, it is difficult to imagine the whole of those regions, to 
be mere wastes of jungle, which would not repay the trouble of 
exploring them. But they must ever remain unknown, so long as 
the inhabitants retain their primitive habits, and aversion to visiting 
other countries, and until more enterprising people than the timid 
Hindoos, settle in their vicinity. 

- These remarks, vague as they are, may serve to define the limits 
of this wild and aboriginal race ; for beyond the precincts thus roughly 
sketched, I am unaware of their language extending. It must be 
remembered that the inhabitants of Chota Nagpoor, although indis- 
criminately called Koles, are a totally distinct race, having different 
languages, manners, and origins These latter, properly named ‘‘ Oradus,” 
were the first known inhabitants of Roidas (Rotaés) and parts of 
Reewa. Their sudden transmigration across the Soane, and which is 
ascribed by them to inroads of Hindoos from the vicinity of the 
Ganges, may be attributed to the expulsion of the latter by their 
Moohomedan conquerors, but at what precise epoch, it is difficult to 

It is these Oradus who first give us accounts of a people called 
Moondas, whom they found in possession of Chootia* Nagpoor at the 
time of their flight into it. They state them to have been a wild 
people, living chiefly by hunting, and who offered no opposition to 
the Oraous settling in the fine open tracts to the northward of Sone- 
poor, and cultivating lands of which they themselves scarcely knew 
the value. Being a peaceable, industrious race, the Oradus gave no 
‘umbrage to their hosts, and very shortly after, the entire residue 
of the immigrants, who had for a time taken refuge in the uninviting 
jungles of Palamoo and Burhweé, passed over into Chota Nagpoor, 
where they remained in great harmony together, until the Hindoos 
came spreading further in, and attracted by the beauty and fertility 
of the country, by degrees made themselves masters of the soil. <A 
Bramin from Benares, imposed upon the credulous Oradus, by 

* Misnamed ‘‘ Chota.”’ 

696 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). {No..108. 

trumping up a story about a child, which had been discovered on the 
banks of a tank at the town of Pittooreea, guarded and shaded 
from the sun by a Covra, or Nag, and which he presented to them 
as their king.. This is the present reputed origin of the “‘ Nagbun- 
sees,” who to this day are the Rajas of the country; the Raj Gadee, 
or Paietukht, was first at Chootia, a town about ten milse south of 
Pittooreea, from whence the name of the country, ‘ Chootia Nagpoor.” 
What it was called by the Moondas before this event, is not known. 

As the Hindoos spread and prevailed, the effect of their tyranny and 
extortions was to reduce the Oraous into complete slavery, and drive 
the Moondas into open revolt. After a long struggle, the latter were 
compelled to confine themselves to the jungles of Sonepoor to the 
south, and the wooded slip of land which to the east raises Chota 
Nagpoor Proper above the rest of Central India. Wandering south-east- 
ward, many settled themselves in the wild hilly tracts, now known as 
Koehang, and in the immense jungles and mountains to the south 
and west of the present village of Porahaut. Numbers passed over 
into the low country, east of Nagpoor, now comprised in the zemin- 
darees of Rahé Boondoo and Tamar, subservient to Chota Nagpoor, 
where mixing with the lowest classes of Bhoornijes and Bhooians, 
(supposed aborigines of Bengal) they merged into a mongrel race, 
known as ‘‘ Tamarias ;” and a great proportion traversing the hills and 
forests of Koehang, passed out eastward, into the open tract now call- 
ed Singbhoom and the Kolehan. 

The last are the subjects of the present memoir. 

It appears that the Moondas, or as they now call themselves, the 
Hos, found Singbhoom on their arrival to be peopled by Bhooians, 
an inoffensive, simple race, but rich in cattle, and industrious cul- 
tivators, who first allowed them to form settlements in the neighbour- 
ing woods, and afterwards permitted them to reside in the central 
open tracts. Here they remained together for some time, when the 
country appears to have passed into the hands of ‘‘ Surawuks,” a race 
of Bengalee Bramins, now almost extinct, but then numerous and 
opulent, whose original country is said to be Sikrbhoom and Pachete. 
Their arrival produced a repetition of the scenes which had forced the 
Moondas, or Hos, from Chota Nagpoor. But in the latter instance, 
the oppressions of the Surawuks ended in their total expulsion from the 

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 697 

Kolehan—in what direction is wholly unknown, though it may be 
conjectured they retraced their steps, for the name of Surawuk, is now 
unknown except in Tamar and Pachete, and then only used by the 
jungle people occasionally in speaking of Bengalees. 

The Kolehan continued after this much in its pristine state, and 
only known to others by its lying in the route of hosts of pilgrims 
from Patna and Benares, &c. to Juggernath. The lands, broad and 
fair, excited the cupidity of many of these travellers, but their dread 
of the Hos deterred all thoughts of settling, until a party bolder than 
the rest, journeying from Marwar, took up their residence as guests at 
the house of a Bhooian Mahapattor, or Zemindar, where they re- 
mained on various pretexts, astonished the Bhooians with a display 
of their riches, superior knowledge, and by descriptions of their 
country; and ended by reproving them for living on terms of equality 
with a people who were Mlechis, or unbelievers, and as fugitives from 
another country, should be considered as subservient to them. The 
Bhooians desirous of having their own Raja, and emulating their 
councillors, entered into a league with the Marwarees, who procured 
a number of their countrymen to assist in establishing the supremacy 
of the Bhooians. In this they were totally unsuccessful, and the result 
of a long struggle, the details of which are handed down disguised 
with much fable in the traditions of the Ooria Bramins of the coun- 
try, ended with the total discomfiture of the Bhooians, and the coalition 
of the Marwarees with the Hos. The former established themselves in 
Porahaut and the rich open plains to the northward, now called 
Singbhoom ; the Hos withdrawing from this part occupied the re- 
maining tract of open land, whose limits, described hereafter, constitute 
the Hodésum, or Kolehan of the Hindoos. 

Up to this epoch no dates can be obtained, as the narrators of the 
above events, Oradus and Hos, keep no account whatever of time. 
But from the introduction of the Marwaree Singbhunsees, and other 
Rajpoots who came to settle with them, a regular chronological history 
has been preserved in the Madela, or records of the Porahaut family ; 
unfortunately I am now unable to apply to these for any information 
on these points. 

It appears that these settlers electing a chief, whom they styled 
‘Raja,’ and took up their abode for five or six generations at Porahaut, 

698 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 103. 

after which a general division was made of the rest of the country the 
Bhooians had retired to, among the Hissadars or brethren of the Raja; 
the eldest brother took Anundpoor (or Sumijgurh); the second, 
Seryekela ; and the youngest, Kera. The Raja also gave as pykallee, or 
service tenures to some of his subordinates, the Talooks of Bundgaon, 
Khursawa, Koryekela, and Chynpoor; of these Khursawa has become 
in a manner hereditary and independent. 

In process of time the brothers managed to get into quarrels 
with neighbouring Zemindars ; the Gangpoor walla (of Keonjur) and 
the Baboo of Anundpoor recriminated each other, about mutual 
depredations committed (by their orders) in their dominions, by the — 
Koles ; the Porahaut Raja’s pykes harried Sonepoor; the Kera Baboo 
plundered Tamar and Chota Nagpoor ; and the Koonwr of Seryekela 
and Raja of Mohurbunj found a bone of contention in the little but 
fertile tuppah of Koochoong, before alluded to. 

In these contentions the services of the Hos were brought into 
requisition ; promises of booty lured them into becoming sted {fast allies 
of those chiefs who had won them over, and thus incited, they com- 
menced a series of depredations on the surrounding country, which 
soon brought them into note. In return for the plunder which they 
acquired, they were induced to pay rent in the shape of occasional 
salamees, in different taxes, or “‘ Russoomat,” at periods of Hindoo 
festivals, &c. and the Kolehan was divided into Peers or Pergunnahs, 
twenty-four in number; of these the Moherbunj Raja through his 
Dewan at Baumenghattee secured four, viz. Aulapeer, Burburriapeer, 
Toépeer, and Lalgurh, placing a Zemindar or Mahapattor in the latter. 
The Singbhoom Raja, together with the syounger branches of his house, 
allied themselves with the remainder, and this order of things con- 
tinued until 1831-32, when the Mahapattor of Lalgurh, disgusted with 
the exactions of the Moherbunj Raja, broke out into open rebellion, 
which led to a series of such contentions and outrages (especially 
as the Raja’s emissaries artfully induced the ignorant Koles of the 
Mahapattor to plunder our territories of the Jungle Mehals, and 
incommode our communications to the westward, by cutting of 
the daks) that Government was at length obliged to interfere, and 
in 1836-37 effectual measures were taken to prevent disturbances 
of the kind, by taking the Hos under our immediate control, and 

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 699 

withdrawing them from all allegiance to the Rajas of Moherbunj and 
Singbhoom. Y 

Singbhoom, including the Kolehan, lies between 21° 30° and 23° 

- north latitude, and 85° and 86° east longitude ; it is bounded to the 

-north by Chota Nagpoor and Patkoom; to the east by the Jungle 

Mehals and Baumunghatte ; to the south by petty states, or tuppahs, 
subservient to Moherbunj, and by Keonjur ; and to the east by 
Gangpoor and Chota Nagpoor. These limits comprise a fine open 
tract of country, in most parts exceedingly productive, in others stony 
and barren, and separated from the circumjacent countries, above 
enumerated, by rocky hills and jungles. Singbhoom Proper consists 
of an extent of fine open arable land, to the north of the Kolehan, 
above 45 miles east and west, and about 18 in breadth, comprising 
the talooks of Khursawa, Kera, and Seryekela, also a portion of 
similar land, about 20 miles square, to the north-east, called Koo- 
choong, attached to Seryekela, and along the west of the Kolehan, an 
imperfectly defined extent of mountains and jungles, including Pora- 
haut and Anundpoor. 

The Kolehan as now constituted, comprehends a tract of open un- 
dulating country, averaging from sixty miles in length north and 
south, from thirty-five to sixty in breadth. It is divided into two 
departments by a step about 500 feet high, running east and west 
across it. The southern part is rich in soil, and beautiful in appear- 
ance ; but an absence of inhabitants, and proper culture, gives it an air 
of desolation. This happily is becoming fast remedied by the return 
of large families of Bhooians, former inhabitants, who had been ex- 
pelled by the Hos. The lower country north of the step is exceeding- 
ly populous, but in many parts stoney and barren. The westerly 
Peers are situated among hills and vast jungles, containing a few 
fertile vallies ; and Sarnda in the far south, is one mass of mountains, 
clothed in forests, where the miserable inhabitants, few and solitary, 
can scarce struggle for mastery with the tiger. 

The Peers are twenty-six in number, Anjoodhia, Assuntullia, Anla, 
Burkela, Burburria or Birwarpeer, Burpeer or Jyntpeeree, Cherye, 
Chynpoor, Goomwa, Govindpoor, Gopinathpoor, Jamda, Kainawa, 
Kooilda, Kotegurh, Lota, Natooa, Lalgurh, Purliong, Rajabapa, 
Oonchdee, Rengra, Rela, Sath Buntria, Toé, and Sarnda. 

700 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). |No. 103. 

I unfortunately neglected taking any census of the people, while 
assessing them, and when I had an easy opportunity of so doing. But 
the uniformity and simplicity of their mode of living, enables a 
rough estimate to be formed of their numbers, from the amount of the 
annual rack rent, which by way of Malgoozaree, has been levied on 
them, and the calculation I should think would be found on closer 
inquiry to be pretty near the truth. — 

The amount of Malgoozaree for 1838-39 was in round numbers 
Co’s. Rs. 6,500 at 0/8 per plough, —=13,000 ploughs or men 
of these at least ths are married, =11,375 women, 

Average of 3 children to each family, ==33,825 children, 

Aged people, mendicants, orphans, &c. = th. = 2,166 

——— 60,366 
Gwallas, Taunties, Lohars, & other castes, =th=2, 166 
Wives of these ?ths, 1,624 
Children 3 to each family, 4,372 

——— 8,662 
Ploughs concealed at assessment about 3th, 1,625 

Total population, =70,653 

The whole of this country is traversed by numerous streams of 
great beauty, but useless as water carriage, being almost dry in the 
hot weather, and rapid torrents in the rains. The Sunjye separating 
the Kolehan from Singbhoom, rises to the north-west of Porahaut, 
and enters the Kurkye, near the junction of that river with the 
Soobum-rekha; the Roro, twelve miles south of the former, a narrow, 
but deep and swift stream, and the Eeleegarra and Toorul still fur- 
ther south, take a like course above the step ; the Des Nye runs west- 
ward, and falls into the Kolekaro, near its confluence with the Koil ; 
and near the southern limits of the Kolehan, the different streams 
take a south and west direction, falling into the Bhundun and 
Byturnee, which last, running through vast and ‘lonely forests, separates 
the Kolehan from Jushpoor and Rorwan, in Moherbunj, and Kalka- 
pershaud in Keonjur. There are two water-falls on the borders of 
the Kolehan, which I have never visited, but which, by the descrip- 
tion of the natives, must be well worth seeing. The Bunnye, running 
between Sonepoor and Singbhoom, is said to roll its waters into a 

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 701 

profound cave, from which spot it pursues its course underground, and 
is supposed to join the Kole Karo. The fall is called Parad-ghag, 
and is a tiruth, but so remote from habitation, and buried in such 
deep woods, as to be seldom visited, except by the Sonepoor Koles, and 
Bhooians of Porahaut and Bundgaon. On the confines of Baumun- 
ghattee also, is a singular cascade, described to me as a single thread 
of water pouring down a walllike precipice of 2 or 300 feet in height. 
It is called by the Baumunghattee Oorias, Muchkandnee Jhurna ; 
and by the Koles, Hakoo-yamdah, meaning in either language, 
“The fall of the weeping fish,” from some whimsical story of the 
fish complaining of the impossibility of scaling the cataract, to emerge 
from the dreary abyss, through which the stream winds below. The 
peculiar distribution of the hills in this country, running in parallel 
ranges, precludes the formation of lakes, which are unknown. 

These ranges are not of very great height, the loftiest, which are 
in Saruda, not appearing above 1000 feet above the plain. They 
are however intersected in parts by profound vallies, which give 
the hills, from that side, an appearance of great magnitude. They are 
chiefly quartz, in all stages of decomposition, permeated by limestone 
rocks ; smaller detached ranges issuing at right angles to these, are 
commonly of micacious slate. From Chyebassa, proceeding easterly into 
Koochoong, are low ridges perfectly parallel, about half a mile to a mile 
apart, gradually increasing in height till the series is closed by the 
Choivria hills in Koochoong. They are composed of loose rocks, 
resembling (if they are not) clink stone; but the larger ridges are of 
coarse granite. The northern part of the Kolehan consists in a great 
measure of sterile plains, scattered with quartz boulders, stones, and 
pebbles, some crystallized. The beds of the nullahs are a shingle com- 
posed of jasper (of all hues) green stone, quartz pebbles, and flint. The 
bed of the Byturnee is lined with flattened pebbles and lumps of 
jasper, of bright yellow, red, purple, and black, disposed in parallel 
streaks, or ribbands, as if artificially inlaid. The corundum is found 
in great quantities at Juggernathpoor on the upper step of the Kolehan, 
and several nullahs run through beds of argillaceous earth, from the 
brightest scarlet to pure white, which are highly in request among 
the natives. ‘The whole of these streams wash down more or less 

gold, but the Koles know not how to collect it. In Singbhoom a 


792 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). (No. 103. 

tolerable quantity is gathered by Hindoos, but of a third or fourth 
rate quality, also excellent iron ; of coal I never found any traces. 

The open parts of the Kolehan are here and there scattered with a 
scrub jungle, composed chiefly of the Polass and Assun, on which 
latter the tusser silk worms are bred. The southern parts, where not 
cultivated, are covered by extensive plains of grass, interspersed with 
bushes ; entirely along the west boundary, are forests of saul trees, 
small and meagre on the hills, but reaching in the low rich vallies to 
a size perfectly prodigious. In Anundpoor, towards Gangpoor, are 
tracts covered entirely with the wild plantain, and many of the 
hills are clothed densely with bamboos. In marshy spots a strong 
serviceable species of cane or ratan is found. The wild mangoe tree 
is also very common in these forests, yielding a fruit far preferable to 
the common kind found in the “ topes” throughout India ; it is small, 
round, and full of juice, as sweet as honey. The date and palm trees 
are not cultivated by the Koles, but are to be found near Hindoo 
villages in Singbhoom ; cheretta, wild indigo, and arrowroot are very 
common in the jungles. But to enumerate all the beautiful flowers 
which enrich these green retreats—the fruits and roots, to every 
one of which the natives attach some specific virtue or harm ; the 
inexhaustible variety of plants, shrubs and fungi, ferns, creepers, &c. 
which clothe in all varieties of fantastic imagery the shady dells ; or — 
the cool banks of foliage-canopied streams,—would be a task far 
exceeding my powers, or the limits of this memoir. 

The animals found in the Kolehan are the same as in other parts 
of central India, but not nearly so abundant as in better watered 
jungles, besides which the Koles and Oorias are inveterate hunters, 
and their attacks on game of all kinds are pursued on an extermi- 
nating scale (a description of their hunts is hereafter given). ‘The 
elephant, which is numerous in parts of the Jungle Mehals, com- 
paratively close to Medneepoor, is, strange to say, unknown among 
the remote and wild regions. of west Singbhoom ; the gowér is 
common in this latter region—two species are described by the natives, 
a red and a black kind; the urna, and smaller wild buffalo are 
very numerous about Anundpoor ; great varieties of deer haunt the 
hills, the saumur (C. rusa), neelgye (Dalmalis picta) spotted deer (C. 
axis) barking deer, or Muntjac (C. muntjac), chikerac or four horned 

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 703 

deer (C. chicquera), all these species, though so shy when sought after 
as to be seldom met with, must be tolerably numerous, from the 
depredations they commit on the fields of gram, boot, moong, oorid, 
&e. which are planted near the jungles. The memina, a species 
of mouse deer, is also found among rocks, and underwood. The 
antelope is confined to the wide open plains of Chynpoor in Sing- 
bhoom, and very limited in number. Tigers and leopards abound. 
Bears infest almost every clump of rocks throughout the plain; they 
are all of the long-lipped species (Ursus labiatus). Hyznas inhabit 
similar localities, but are rare. There are no wolves, but there appear 
to be two distinct species of the jackal (C. aureas), one of which is 
much larger, stouter, and ruddier than what I remember of the jackal 
of Bengal. The cry also is different, and is a wailing sound not much 
unlike, though infinitely louder, than the mewing ofa cat. At all events 
the Koles distinguish the two animals, calling the large kind (from 
its ery) Tow Koola, and the common jackal “ Kurmcha.” The little 
Bengal fox or Corsac (Cynalopex insectivorus) is very numerous, 
yapping all the clear nights long, during the cold season. The Indian 
badger or Ratel (Ratelus melivorus) is found in the woods, but rarely. 
Porcupines (Hystrix) are numerous, but being nocturnal, are seldom 
seen. The short-tailed marus (M: crassicandata) is met with among 
rocks, but is one of the rarest animals known. There are three kinds 
of squirrels, the common palm squirrel (Sciurus striatus), the great red 
squirrel (Sciurus macronnus), and a large grey flying squirrel, peculiar; 
I believe, to the Kolehan and the Jungle Mehals. This last is 
exceedingly rare, as it lives on lofty trees in profound forests, and 
only moves forth at night. The wild dog (Canis primevus), Koohia 
and Sona-kookoor of the Oorias, and TYannee of the Koles, roams 
through the jungles in packs, occasionally visiting the flocks and 
herds on the plains. Their ferocity, speed, and cunning, have gained 
them a superstitious veneration among the Koles, and dread of 
their retaliating on their cattle, deters the villagers from killing them. 
Of these also there are said to be two kinds, a large dog, in shape and 
colour like a Scotch greyhound or lurcher, which hunts by sight, 
and a smaller, red, bushy tailed dog, which follows the other in packs 
of five to twenty,is less speedy and hunts by scent. The hare is 
larger than that of Bengal, inhabits gravelly ravines in scrub jungle, 

704 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). (No. 105. 

and never takes to grass. Of monkeys there are only the two common 
species, the Lungoor and Makor or Bunder (Sara and Gye of the 
Koles) ; the former live among rocks, the latter in dense thickets. 
Wild hogs are very numerous in some parts, but so wary as to be 
seldom killed. The rhinoceros is not known. 

Birds of all kinds are scarce and wild, especially those fit for food, 
on account of the keenness with which the Koles pursue, trap, hawk, 
and shoot them. The double-spurred partridge is found among rocks, 
but is one of the most difficult birds to shoot, as it seldom takes wing, but 
creeps into caves and fissures. The deep moist woods afford immense 
varieties to the ornithologist, an enumeration of which would be useless. 

Being a dry and stony country, the Kolehan is peculiarly prolific 
in snakes of all varieties ; the covra is not so common as another 
species, the Scarbinja of the Oorias, and Pago jarras of the Hos (Cop- 
hias Russelii), which is supposed to be equally deadly, and far more 
vindictive; it is a subgenus of rattle-snake (without the rattle). A 
large and beautiful snake, coloured with black and yellow rings, the 
Sakom bing (Pseudoboa fasciata) is met with in ploughed fields; 
a long thin green whip-snake, infests the rank grass jungles at the 
bottoms of hills; the hartoo, a slender, agile species, coloured like a 
ribbon with yellow, and coppery purple, infests trees. All these are 
venomous. The Python or Ujgur, (Toonil bing) is found in every 
jungle; it attains to dimensions which I have heard described, but 
which would sound too marvellous to be recorded without better 
proofs. Throughout Singbhoom, Chota Nagpoor, and the surrounding 
countries, a belief is current of a monstrous species of snake, the 
“ Garra bing,” infesting rivers swollen by torrents, which destroys both 
men and cattle, should they venture in. I mention it, as the opinion is 
so general, but it is probable that the sudden and mysterious deaths 
which occur in these mountain torrents, are occasioned by what sea- 
men call the “‘ under tow” and “ back water,” caused by the violent 
passage of water over rocks and deep holes. The body of a person 
thus carried away is never seen again, at least in the neighbourhood, 
and this total disappearance naturally strengthens the idea of his 
having been swallowed up by some huge animal. 

An entomologist would find an exhaustless field of research and 
discovery in the jungles of this country. The decayed saul trees are 

19 So ewe Se, Be 


1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 705 

tenanted by magnificent species of .Prionus and Cerambyx; the 
rocks contain endless beautiful varieties of Coleoptera; the deep 
woods, every where during the rainy season brilliant with odorife- 
rous flowers, are enlivened by Lepidoptera of the gaudiest colors, and 
numberless varieties of grotesque shapes in the Mantides, Phyllia, and 
Grilli, infest every thicket ; while tribes of ants, bees, and wasps, attract 
attention by the beauty and ingenuity of their habitations and nests 
in the forests. Of the former, one of the commonest species is remark- 
able for traversing the jungles, and marching along the paths in pro- 
cession two or three abreast, and of prodigious extent. Scorpions and 
centipedes are fearfully common; of the former, a species infests caves 
and fissures in rocks, and attains such an enormous size, that had I 
not heard the animal described by several people (of different classes), 
and had reason to be satisfied of the general truth of their assertions, 
I should have looked upon the whole as a chimera. In dry, konker- 
ous soils, the white ants are a scourge. They appear, in woods, to be 
a kind of vegetable scavenger, reducing to powder the logs which lie 
on the ground in a short space of time. | 

Fish are abundant in every largish stream, retiring in the dry 
season to the deep pools, which are left when the main channel has 
run dry; but the Koles, by poisoning the water, destroy inordinate 
quantities. The mahseer, and the little fly-taking Cyprinus, miscalled 
‘trout’ in Upper India, are not found in these lower latitudes. Doubt- 
less these running jungle streams produce many undiscovered va- 
rieties of fish, but unfortunately, to this branch of natural history I 
turned no attention during my stay in the country. 

The climate of the Kolehan has been found to be on the whole 
healthy, although the station of Chyebassa, which was unfortunately 
selected hurriedly, and without sufficient examination and comparison 
with surrounding spots, is not a favourable sample, situated on a 
barren, gravelly plain, interspersed with brushwood, and near piles 
of bare rocks. The heat during the day is excessive, but the nights are 
invariably cool, and the air invigorating and exhilerating, in spite of 
the temperature, owing probably to its peculiar dryness. A mile only 
to the south-east, at the village of Tambore, the country rises in 
undulating meadows, beautiful in appearance as an English park, 
and infinitely cooler than Chyebassa. These advantages in forming the 

706 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 103. 

cantonment were either overlooked, or thought of less note than the 
nearer vicinity of water, Chyebassa being on the banks of the Roro. 
The Hos are more free from disease than any other people, in con- 
sequence of the precautionary measures they take—their nutritive 
food and drink, and the open airy positions they build in. As a guard 
against infection or fire their villages are small and scattered, and 
on the first appearance of any epidemic, they leave their houses and 
flee into the jungles, living apart from each other. Singbhoom, on the 
contrary, from the obverse manners of the Oorias, is yearly scourged 
by cholera, fevers, and small-pox. This latter disease, propagated by 
the Bramin inoculators, has within the last year spread with fearful 
havoc into the Kolehan, and most unfortunately simultaneously with 
the introduction of vaccine, to which the evil has alone been attributed. 
The rains are not heavy in the Kolehan, but the moonsoon is accom- 
panied by violent storms of wind from the north-west, with severe 
thunder and lightning, causing many fatal accidents. None of that 
sultry oppression incident to Bengal is felt at that time of year. The cold 
season is truly luxurious—“ a nipping and an eager air” without fogs or 
. nists. March, April, and May are generally the only unpleasantly hot 
months of the year; during this period not a drop of water falls occa- 
sionally for upwards of six weeks; the aspect of the country loses 
every trace of verdure, and the dried stony soil reflects with unbear- 
able force the rays of the sun. Vegetation is vigorously restored on 
the commencement of the rains, and as these are not accompanied by 
the gloomy sky and unceasing torrents which fall in the plains of 
India, the landscape is pleasingly checquered by passing showers, and 
the tender foliage of the forests glistens alternately with golden breaks 
of sunshine, or mellowed shades of green. To the south and east of 
Singbhoom, and in the most dreary and deserted parts of the country, 
are remains indicative of the former presence of opulent and industri- 
ous people, but so decayed by time, and engulphed in the labyrinths 
of untenanted forests, as to be unmarked by any record or history, save 
that they must have been of prior origin to the first known Bhooians 
of the country. In Lalgurhpeer, the remains of a square brick fort 
well ditched round are still visible ; it is said by the Bramins to have 
been the seat of a Raja of the Raj Dom tribe, who with all his people, 
houses, and riches, were destroyed by fire from heaven, for having slain 

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 707 

a cow and wrapped a Bramin in the hide, which tightening as it dried, 
squeezed him to death. Only one man, a faunty, escaped, who was 
warned by the bullocks he was ploughing with, of the fate which im- 
pended over the place ; it is called Kesnagurh to this day. In Anlah- 
peer, to the far south, and on the borders of Rorwan, a few Koles of 
the poorest kind, have built a wretched straggling hamlet near the 
banks of what once was a truly magnificent, tank. It is called 
© Benoo Saugur,” and is said-to have been built by one Raja Benoo, 
who fled from the place owing to the incursions of the Mahrattas. 
This was probably during the days of the celebrated ‘‘ Morari Rao,” 
for judging by the trees which now luxuriate amidst the buildings, 
the place must have been deserted and in ruins full 200 years ago. 
The tank which I paced, as well as the jungle allowed me, is about 
600 yards square. On the east bank are the remains of a handsome 
stone ghaut ; the west side may be similar, but was inaccessible, by 
reason of thickets ; on the summit of the ample bund surrounding the 
water, lie stones richly carved; it is probable they once constituted 
smali temples ranged around. In the centre of the tank is an island, 
crowned by a temple, now almost a shapeless mass. On the south- 
east corner of the tank are the debris of a gurhee or small fort, which 
appears to have been a parallelogram of about 300 by 150 yards, enclos- 
ed by a massy wall, with towers at the corners. In the centre are 
two sunken platforms, with stone steps descending into them, in 
which lie idols in all stages of decay; some of these were buried 
many feet under a loose reddish soil, having the appearance of decay- 
ed bark. Among several Gunneéshes, Parbuttees, Mahadeos, and other 
' gods of modern Hindoo mythology, were others which my infor- 
mants, the Mohurbunj Raja’s Mookhtar, the Burkoonwr of Rorwan, 
and several of their Bramin attendants, could give me no history of. 
Three of the best preserved of these I took away with the help of some 
Nagpoor Dhangars, not one of the people of the country daring to 
touch them. About 300 yards to the south of the gurhee is another 
mound or hillock of broken bricks, which I was told was the “ Kut- 
cherry” of the Raja. To the west of this, and all along the bank of the 
Talab, the plain now covered with jungle grass, and here and there 
cultivated with gora dhan by the Koles, is scattered with bricks, 
showing that a substantial town or bazar myst have existed here. 

708 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 105. 

Still further southward, about eight miles, and two miles beyond 
Rorwan, these remains occur in greater number, and better preserva- 
tion, and the road leading to them is replete with debris of the most 
melancholy and dreary nature, rank grass waving over tanks, some 
of great magnitude, which lie on every side. Thickets and briars 
matting over richly carved ghauts and temples ; old avenues and plan- 
tations whose symmetry can now scarcely be detected amidst over- 
whelming jungle, offer a vivid picture. of what these deserted tracts 
once were ; and the mind instinctively pictures to itself a once opulent 
and prosperous people, whose forgotten dust rests perhaps within the 
funereal shades of these ancient forests, as their fates and fortunes, alike 
unknown, lie buried in the elapsed vastness of time ! 

‘The temples at Kiching are still resorted to by pilgrims from 
the south, and kept in tolerable repair. There are two of them, 
but only one made use of in offering sacrifices, &c ; it is in an 
unfinished state, the materials for the dome lying on the ground 
round about, as if they had been hastily abandoned. A narrow path 
winds up to the temple now in use, through dense thickets and 
forest trees, among which lie, thickly scattered, portions of elabo- 
rate sculpture, idols, and alto-relievo figures of men in armour on 
horseback, nauchnees, jugglers, servants, &c. &c. These two temples 
ere part of a circle of sixty similar ones (according to the Déoree, 
or high priest of the place) which with sixty corresponding tanks are 
placed two miles a part, in a circle of forty miles in diameter. Of 
these, the temples at Kiching and some others at Odeypoor, on the 
banks of the Byturnee, are alone visited. A superstitious dread 
deters access to the others, and in truth they are buried in such awful ~ 
wilds, as naturally to excite the fears of such a credulous race. 
The tank at Kiching lies to the north of the temple, and appeared 
tobe about 300 yards long, and sixty or seventy in breadth ; it is said 
to be of masonry, but I did not examine it. 

In the vast saul forest which spreads over the boundary of the 
Kolehan and Baumunghattee, and about twelve miles from the 
nearest village, are two extraordinary pools of water, evidently 
artificial, called the ‘‘ Soormee and Doormee.” The former is about 
300, the latter 200 yards long, dug in a perfectly straight line, 
and separated by a bund or causeway, so that they appear to have 

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan ). 709 

formed a long water chaussee, or avenue, leading to the Kurkye river, 
which is not above half a mile off. No traces of paths or buildings 
or artificially planted trees were here discernible. Absurd stories are 
told of the fatal effects of the water on man and beast, by the 
Bhoomijes, who are the exorcisers of unclean spirits in the jungles, 
and the spot is carefully avoided by the superstitious Koles. I visited 
the “‘ Soormee Doormee’ while laying down the boundary in 1838- 
1839 ; we had great difficulty in forcing our way through the dense 
jungle, not the trace of a path existing, and I verily believe we were 
the first party, for many generations, who had intruded on this abode 
of utter silence and seclusion. There were fine fish swimming in the 
water, and the traces of deer in numbers round the bank, as they come 
nightly to drink there. It was with difficulty however I could prevail 
on a few to follow my example in taking a draught from the pool. 

In none of these places could I perceive inscriptions of any kind, 
and I cannot here avoid expressing a regret, that my ignorance 
of Indian antiquities prevented my throwing any light on the history 
of these truly interesting, relics ;—Interesting, as being situated 
in such unknown wilds, as indices of the entire revolution that has 
taken place in the political history of the country, and as proofs of 
these untrodden jungles having once been the seat of opulence, indus- 
try, and power, so utterly decayed, so long departed, as not to have 
left a record behind. 

(To be continued. ) 

Nors.---Although it is very improbable that any of our readers should 
be enabled to visit the Hodesum, with sufficient time at their disposal 
to examine closely, and carefully, the ruins at Kiching, and Lalgurhpeer, 
I cannot help requesting particular attention to Lieut. Tickell’s notice of 
these interesting remains, with a view to our procuring at some future 
time a more detailed account of them. The best thanks of all interested 
in the study of Indian History, are due to the author of the excellent 
paper now -under publication, for his having (I believe I am right in 
saying) discovered in the wilds of the trackless forests of Chootia Nagpore, 
these singular traces of a people, and a power, whose name lives hardly 
preserved by even local tradition. His ample, and able statistical 
account of Hodesum is of real utility, and we must acknowledge that he 
has done well in foregoing a possibly fruitless search for antiquarian 
remains, which would necessarily have diverted his attention from more 


710 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 103. 

important objects. As these however have been fully accomplished in 
the paper before us, I trust that, should opportunity offer, search may 
be made in the vicinity of these deserted cities for any traces which 
may enable us to arrive at conclusions regarding their history. A paper 
which I hope soon to publish (Journal of an expedition to the Naga 
Hills, by Lieut. Grange) will prove the value of similar research in a 
historical point of view, by the result of that officer’s observations on 
Dhemapoor Nuggur, now like Lalgurhpeer a mass of ruins in a wild 
forest, but formerly the residence of the Cacharee Rajas. (1 

Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan, by Captain Epwarpb 
Conouzy, 6th Cavalry. 

The southern limit of the lower ranges of that portion of the great 
Caucasian chain of mountains which lies between the 62nd and 65th 
meridians of east longitude, is well defined by the lower, or Dilaram 
road from Girishke to Furrah. From this line a vast desolate tract 
extends, part of that great desert, named rather loosely 
by Malcolm, the Salt Desert. Sloping gradually to the 
south-west, it descends, like the plains of Tartary, in steppes, till its pro- 
gress is arrested, on the south, by a high sandy desert, and on the west 
by a broad and lofty chain of hills (1) which stretches im a south-west 
direction from probably near Ghorian to the Surhud, and thus perhaps 
connects the Parapomisan mountains with the Southern Kohistan. The 
south-west corner of this thus interrupted plain, the last and lowest 
steppes, are Seistan (2). 

The country so named, of which the length may in round numbers 
be estimated at 100 miles, and the breadth at 60, is entirely composed 
of flats, with the exception of one hill, (3) (the 
Koh-i-Zor) and in its whole extent, not a stone is to 


Nature of the country. 

1. This range is known by different names; in the latitude of Killah Rah, itis called, from 
a celebrated hill, Atishana near Bundau, Koh-i-Bundau—and opposite Zirreh Koh-i-Pulung,—the 
hill of leopards. 

2. That is modern Seistan. In ancient times, the country known by this name was only 
bounded on the north by Ghare and Zemindawer, in the latter of which a learned orientalist has 
recognized Zabul. As the present’sketch is intended solely to explain the map, and the ancient 
history and geography of Seistan and the countries around it will form the subject of a separate 
memoir, no allusion to the latter will be found here. . 

3. In the Univ: Gazetteer, 1837, you read, ‘‘The country is generally mountainous”? There 
is a small hill called Kohga, on the north-west of the Hamoon, which is sometimes surrounded 
by the water of the lake ; at present it belongs to the chief of Laush. 

a 2 i ONE A Gt a Mert NR. TE Ft Hes Pecos rene -stgemg 

aie PL 

1840.] Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. 711 

be met with, except a few rounded pebbles in the beds of rivers. The 
soil is either the light and soluble earth of the desert, or the still lighter 
alluvial deposit, and there is hardly one tree, and not one of any size, 
in the whole country. From the north and north-east, it receives the 
waters of numerous rivers, which partaking of the nature of mountain 
torrents, at one time of the year rush down with great violence, almost 
black with mud, and at others are either quite dry, or flow in a clear, 
languid and shallow stream. 

It requires but little knowledge of Physical Geography, to judge of 
the effect of a large body of water discharged in this 
manner, with varying velocity, into a basin, incapable, 
from its nature, of offering the slightest resistance to its progress. The 
water hurries away to the lowest spots, and there, when its turbulence 
has subsided, drops its loads of earth, till in process of time these low 
spots have become elevated, and the water is driven to some other place. 
It necessarily results, that the level of the country must constantly be 
altering, and that as the whole bed of the lake is thus gradually filling 
up, the waters spread themselves over a large surface every year. This 
extension is much assisted by the deposits which take place in the beds 
of the rivers at their mouths, which deposits are of course ever on the 
increase as the current becomes less rapid, when layer after layer of 
settling earth diminishes the slope. In consequence of this filling up of 
their beds, nearly all these rivers overflow their banks on entering Seistan. 

Ofthe correctness of these views, the whole country exhibits many proofs, 
el a he even to the passing traveller; and a scientific resident 

of the country. might probably be able to develop much of the in- 

teresting history of the progressive changes. For a 
long period of years, however, Seistan would seem to have presented much’ 
the same general appearance as is attempted to he delineated in the annexed 

The violent action of the swollen streams was in a great measure 
moderated by large bodies of water being drawn off in canals, which 
were conducted, in some places, as far as forty miles, through dry and 
sandy tracts. Massive embankments had been also constructed by rich 
and enlightened governments, which prevented the water from flowing 
without controul, and confined it within certain bounds for the purposes 
of cultivation. : 

It is only of late years that a very remarkable change has taken place 
in the aspect of the country, to explain which it will be necessary to say 
a few words on the geography of its lakes and rivers, at the period repre- 
sented in the sketch, when Captain Christie visited Seistan. 

Effect of the rivers. 

712 = Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. [No. 108. 

The lake, which stretched in a direction parallel to the Bundau hills, was 
about seventy miles long, and had an average breadth 
of eighteen miles. Its principal feeder, the Helmund, 
is not inaccurately laid down in our maps, with the exception, that the 

The Helmund. 

Khash-rood is not one of its tributaries, and that the Arghandab enters it | 

just below, and not above, Killah Beest. This river, in the dry season, is 
never without a plentiful supply of water; during the swell, it comes 
down with astonishing rapidity, equal in size to the Jumna. As soon as 
it has left the hills, its bed is generally four or five miles in breadth, the 
water more easily penetrating the readily yielding sides than the bottom, 
converted into a sort of pavement by the stones rolled down from the 
mountains. The stream has not however of late years occupied the 
whole breadth, though in former times, before it had cut itself so deep a 
bed, it would appear to have done so near Girishke; for example, there are 
ruins at opposite sides of the river of forts known to have been con- 
temporaneous, and under which the water must have flowed (for they are 
built in a semicircle, without a wall on the river face) though there is a 
space of four miles between them. 

The stream now hugs its left bank, above which rises in vast mounds 
the sandy desert. The ancient right bank is well marked by the high 
cliffs of the plain before mentioned, which are every where hollowed and 
indurated by the action of water. The rich space between this bank and 

the modern channel, of which the average breadth is rather more than two: 

miles, is the country of Gurmsehl. 

The Helmund receives the waters of one or two small streams from the 
desert on the west, which will be mentioned in the description of that 

The three rivers next to be described, have experienced little change since 

1810. The first, the Furrah-rood, passes a little to the 
The Furrah-rood. 

north of the fort of Furrah, and runs close under Laush, : 

about twenty miles south of which it enters the Seistan lake. I am not 
aware of this river receiving any tributaries in the lower part of its 
course. (4) The Furrah-rood is nearly dry for the greater part of the year, 
water is however confined in many places by bunds or natural hollows, 
and is always to be found by digging a few feet into its bed, which is the 
case with the Helmund, and most of the rivers of eastern Asia. (5) During 
the spring it is a broad and rapid river, but not half the size of the 

4. The Gizea found in Arrowsmith’s Map of Central Asia, 1834, must be either erroneously laid 

down, or is some insignificant stream. 
5. Baber remarks this in his memoirs. 

em vee aI 

1840.| Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. 713 

About twelve miles west of the mouth of the Furrah-rood, a river dis- 
charges itself into the same lake, which though equal 
in size to the last named, has nearly escaped the obser- 
vation of geographers (6): this is the Adrascund, which crosses the high 
road, some fifty miles south of Herat, near a place where it is joined by the 
_ Rod-i-Gez, celebrated for the sweetness of its waters. After flowing east by 
south, through the plain of Subzawar, it sweeps round to the west, runs 
down a narrow valley called Jaya, and passes a little to the south of the 
valley of Pomegranates,(7) where Capt. Christie crossed without recognizing 
it. Of the course of the stream for a short distance after this, I am doubt- 
ful, but its further progress to the west must be soon arrested by the incli- 
nation of the ground from the western range of hills before mentioned. 
Entering the tract, from its extreme barrenness called the Waste of Despair, 
(Tug-i-Noomed) (8) its name, which since leaving Subzawar has been chang- 
ed to Jaya, is again altered to that of the fallen angel Haroot. It then flows 
a little to the west of Killah Rah, the northern part of which it waters, 
and with a nearly southerly course empties itself into the lake of Seistan. 
A few miles above its mouth, the Herat receives a small salt river, the 
Khash Koduk, which has water only in the spring, when it drains the mars 

of Furrah. ; 

During the wet season, a mountain torrent, rather than a river, flows 
S. E. into the lake from Bundau, by the name of which 
place it is known. The Bundau has a course of less 
than 50 miles, and only deserves notice as being, as far as our knowledge 
extends, the solitary stream which enters Seistan from the west. 

The Khash-rood has for so long a period occupied an erroneous 
position on our maps, that its real course deserves 
particular attention. After crossing the Herat road, 
it travels south-west to Seistan, but in 1810 it did not enter the lake; 
its waters just below Chukhnasoor, having spread themselves out over 
a low tract called from a species of marshy grass (aishk) which abounds 
there, Aishkineik. That the Khash-rood has been stated to empty itself in- 
to the Helmund at Kona, sheea, may perhaps be accounted for, by suppos- 
ing some confusion between the name of that post and of Chukhnasoor, 
of which the more correct appellation is said to be Khanehsoor, or the 
house of marriage, it being there, according to tradition, that Giu married a 
daughter of Roostum. 

The Adrascund. 

The Bundau river. 

The Khash-rood. 

6. Gerard first traced its course from the Herat-rood to Anardureli. 
7. Anardureh. ; 
8. I do not exactly understand the limits of the plain known by this name. North of it is a great 
salt tract, the Nimuksar. 

714. = Sketch of the Physical Geography of Setstan. [No. 103. 

‘The Khash is a much smaller river than the Furrah ; a large proportion 
of its waters are drained off for cultivation, and during the greater part of 
the year its channel, which is never of any great width, only contains 
waters where it has been banked in, or in a few deep pools. Onits banks 
and in Seistan, the Khash is always called the Khoosh, and in some geogra- 
phical works is written Khooshk, or the dry river. The Aishkineik was a _ 
marsh during the swell, and dry in summer. 

The Ibrahim Jooiis made in our maps to fall into the Khash, but in real- 
ity a little below Bukheva, it spreads itself out and forms a marsh also 
called Aishkineik, which is, however, usually dry, there being little water 
lower than the Ismail Khan. I know of no stream flowing into the Khash 
from the west, except a small river which commences, I was told, some- 
where below Bukheva; from the east it receives the Rod-i-Reghi, the direc- 
tion of which will be seen in the map; but of the early part of its course 
I am doubtful. 

To the west of the Khash three smaller streams flow into Seistan from the 
north-east; the Rod-i-Khar, the Chabulk, and the Koos- 

The first and least, at the period of which we are 
speaking, discharged itself into the Aishkineik above Chukhnasoor. 

Of the other two, the Chabulk rises in a spring called Chusmeh Meshak, 
about six miles south-east of Toojk, below Furrah; the second at Siah-ab, 
a hill between Koormalik and Bukheva, celebrated as the spot where the 
Vuzeer Shah Wulee was put to death. These two rivers formerly de- — 
bouched in a lake some miles east of the principal one, and known by the 
name of Duk-i-Teer, a promontory on its eastern bank, famous in the fa- 
bulous history of Seistan, as the place from whence Roostum procured the 
arrow with which he killed Isfundear. 

Of the extent of this lake I have no very precise information. On the 
north it reached to within eight miles of Jowaine; it was probably con- 
nected with the Aishkineik on its south, and when swelled by extraordina- 
ry floods, may have even been united with the lake of Koh-i-Khwajeh, as a 
high bank prevents its extension to the eastward. 

It also received some of the waters of the Helmund by branches striking 
off north and east from that river, after it had passed Rodbar. Of these 
the principal, which left the parent stream near Deh-i-Nusser Khan, was 
called the river of Ilumdar, and another of smaller size, but since become 
remarkable, went off from Khwajeh Ahmed. 

Such was Seistan for a long time. The Helmund glided along each 
succeeding year in nearly the same channel it had occupied the year be- 

Other smaller rivers. 

fore, and the inhabitants on its banks were too ignorant to remark or to 
care to counteract the consequences they could have hardly failed to fore- 

1840.| Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. 715 

see, of the change which was gradually preparing by the annual deposition 
of alluvial matter. The great embankments, whose ruins still record the 
names and wisdom of kings of yore had been neglected or destroyed, and 
the canals which enriched more than one desert district, were dry, and the 
fields they had watered a waste. Zirreh, so celebrated in history, which 
defied the arms of Chengiz and Timour, did not boast one inhabitant. Of 
Tragu, Killah Put, and Pshaweroon, and of other great cities, through the 
ruins of which the traveller wanders for days, all that remained were the 
walls and the name. 

About nine years ago an unusually large inundation changed the whole face 
of the country. The main stream of the Helmund de- 
serted its old bed, and cutting for itself a wide channel 
out of that of the small branch which went off from 
Khwajeh Ahmed, carried the greater part of its waters to the Duk-i-Teer. 
This lake was insufficient to contain so large an accession to its mass; 
the superfluous waters forced themselves a passage through a narrow 
and low neck of land to the westward, and discharged in this manner into 
‘the old lake, thus connected, and made the two one. 

The inhabitants of Seistan were at length roused from their indifference 
by a disaster which threatened their very existence, as it deprived them 
of the means of irrigating their fields. United by the common danger, a 
large body of men of the different tribes assembled together, and in the 
course of the ensuing summer raised an immense mound across the river, 
near the place where the waters had diverged; but through their igno- 
rance of physics, their labour was thrown away. The next flood turned 
the embankment, and the river, as in the preceding year, passed away from 
Seistan. Since that time the Seistanis despairing of success, have made 
no further effort to reclaim their river. The greater part of the water of 
the Helmund is discharged into the Duk-i-Teer by several mouths, and 
the now scanty stream of the old bed, confined by numerous bunds, hardly 
suffices to water the lands it formerly overflowed, and is a never ending 
source of contention, between the various tribes which inhabit its banks. 

Geographers have been at a loss to account for the many different names 

which have been given to the lake of Seistan. The 
ae the lake olution of the puzzle is very simple. 

Change in the as- 
pect of the country. 

The Persian word Hamoon Qjgsls signifies a plain 
level ground. (9) The Seistanis apply the term to any expanse of water. 

9. It is frequently found in this sense in Persian authors, as in the Bostan :-— 
Ze deria ama bur amud Ruse, 
Sufur Kurdah deria wo Hamoon buse. 
I know of no instance of any author having used the term to express an expanse of water, The 
similar sounding name of the Oxus, Amoo, is probably descriptive of its periodical swell. 

716 Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. (No. 103. 

During the swell, as before observed, the Helmund overflows its banks, and 
water is sometimes carried into low spots, from which some ridge inter- 
cepts its retreat, when the river again retires to its bed. In this manner 
numerous small lakes were formed, and each of them was called a Hamoon, 
and was distinguished by its particular appellative. The united waters 
are styled the Hamoon without any distinctive adjective. The old lake 
also was in former times known as the Hamoon, though sometimes, as 

now specified by the name of the celebrated hill in the midst of it, the Koh- 

i-Zor, or Roostum, or as it is more generally called from a modern saint, 

The Hamoon of Zirreh was some miles to the south the Hamoon of Koh-1- 
Khwajeh, and was perhaps formed in the manner above 
described, from the overflow of that lake; though 
it is not improbable that a natural or artificial branch of the Helmund 
went direct to Zirreh. This Hamoon will be mentioned in the sequel. 
The lake of Zirreh, and many smaller ones, some of which are marked 
on the map, are either dry, or are drying up in consequence of the diversion 
of the Helmund. On the site of one, Boorj, one of the four capitals of Seis- 
tan has been built, and the place of water is supplied by corn-fields. 

I cannot learn that the principal Hamoon, or any of the smaller ones were 
ever styled in Seistan, Loukh; I suppose therefore, that title to be a Persian 
or Afghan fabrication, or it may have obtained currency through some 
misconception of the meaning of the person who originally employed it to 
designate the lake, to many parts of which the name would be sufficiently 
appropriate, “‘ Loukh” in Persian and Pushtoo signifying “rushes :” but this 
word is not known in Seistan, where a rush is invariably called “ Toot.” 

_ The most fitting appellation of the Hamoon is the classical one of 


ae Aria Palus, for it is in reality almost every where a 
Description of the 
lake. mere marsh. It has rarely a depth of more than from 
three to four feet, and is almost entirely covered with 
reeds or rushes. There is however a considerable difference in the ap- 
pearance of the old and new lake, particularly in the dry season. 
Of the Duk-i-Teer, I have only seen the south part; there it is a large 

sheet of water, thickly studded with reed-topped islands, its depth averag- 

ing about four feet, and having a very muddy bottom. The reeds are tall - 

and close together, but you can walk through them without difficulty. 
To the north there is probably less water, and the reeds are not in patches, 
but cover the whole surface. In the old Hamoon, on the contrary, the 
reeds are in most places stiff and thick with age, and stand so close 
together in clumps, their roots being united by little hillocks of encrusted 
earth, that quadrupeds even are unable to force their way through them. 

OS Aare 

1840.| Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. 717 

This is particularly the case round the hill of Roostum, the only mode of 
reaching which in the summer is by a ditch two or 

Peete the old three feet wide, and having an average depth of 

three feet of water, very salt, rank with putrifying 
matter, and nearly as black as ink. Men, horses, and cows wade 
through the slime, people of the better classes are conveyed to and fro 
in a species of canoe called Tootee, and peculiar, I believe, to Seistan. Four 
or five bundies of reeds are fastened together by rushes, or by the flexible 
tops of reeds, the cut edges forming a square stem, the upper ends being 
tied in a point for a prow. The passenger seats himself in the middle, one 
man pushes from behind, and another pulls at the front. During the 
wet season the tootees are made of larger size, so as to admit of as many 
as four men sitting in them, and are propelled by paddles and long poles, 
but they are rarely taken into the deeper water, where the waves would 
wet and sink them. These boats last only for a few days, for the wet 
reeds soon become rotten and heavy; they are made and navigated by 
a particular class of men called Syads, a word which expresses their pro- 
fession of fowlers. The ditch road I have mentioned has to be renewed 
every year when the waters have subsided. 

The old Hamoon can be seen to the greatest advantage from the tops 

_ of the hill of Roostum, from which elevated posi- 

View from Roh-i- ; ; 

Khwajeh. tion the eye travels uninterrupted over a plain bound- 
ed only by the horizon, except on the west, where, at 
fifty miles distance, rises the chain of the Bundau hills. 

It was in September that I took my station on this hill ; immediately 
beneath me lay a yellow plain, as level as a calm sea, formed by the tops 
of reeds, and extending north and south long beyond the reach of vision. 
On the east it was bounded by a strip of paler yellow, marking the borders 
of the lake, where the less thickly growing reeds are annually burnt down, 
and a few poor Kheils clear away the ground for the cultivation of water- 
melons. Beyond again, in this direction, appeared the dark green of the 
tamarisks, whole forests (11) ef which fringe the lake. Here and there as we 
looked around on every side, were seen patches of blue water, and on the 
west a large clear lake stretched away till out of sight. All seemed waste, 
but the towers of Chuling and Sekoha showed like white specks in the 
distance ; and winding and shining through the tamarisks, you might trace 
the course of several streams, which once formed the delta of the Helmund, 
and in which water is still retained at intervals for the purposes of agri- 

11 Lest I be accused of a contradiction, as it has been said that there are no trees in Seistan, 
I may mention, that the tarnarisks rarely, if ever, attain any great size in that country. 


718 Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. [No. 103. 

culture. The water ofthe Hamoon is salt (12), but not at all places equally 
so, the intensity varying according to the depth, nature 
of the soil on which it rests, and the proximity to the 
mouths of the rivers. The Seistanis boast that the water of their country 
is the best in the world, that it gives an appetite, and promotes diges- 
tion; even when most distasteful, it is said not to he injurious, and 
the garrison of Koh-i-Khwajeh drank no other than that of the ditch path, 
described above, which is so brackish that none of our herses after a 
fatiguing march in the sun could be induced to drink it. 

Tt has been stated that the Hamoon is every year spreading over a large 


superficies, which requires explanation, since it seems 
On the increase or gt variance with the received theory of the other in- 
diminution of the ; : 
waters, land lakes, the Caspian, Aral, &c. all of which are said 
to cover a less space now, than they did in former 
times. With only a general knowledge of the geography of those seas, it 
is dangerous to hazard a conjecture regarding them, but it seems by no 
means improbable that much of the land which is represented as shewing 
traces of having once formed part of the lakes in question, was covered 
with water before those lakes had occupied their present beds, proving 
therefore no more than that the water has changed its position, not that it 
is less in extent. The Caspian on the north, where traces of inundation 
on lands now dry are the most remarkable, is shallow, marshy, and covered 

with reeds, as if the water was gradually deserting it. It must however | 

be borne in mind, that as the lake spreads, it offers a large surface to the 
action of evaporation, and that in proportion to the apparent increase, 
there is a real diminution in bulk. 

The evaporation in Seistan must be very great. The heat in summer 
is said to be more oppressive than that of Candahar, 
and for half the year, a strong steady wind blows from 
the snowy mountains above Herat, to compensate the exhaustion of air in 
the burning desert to the south. This wind, which is called the “ Bad i sud 
o bist roz,”’ “a wind of 120 days,” is confined to a breadth of about 80 miles, 
being bounded on the west by the Bundau hills, and extending no further 
east, it is said, than Khash. 

I should have desired here to give some account of the natural history 
of Seistan, but of the study itself I am nearly ignorant; the field is, I 
suspect, a barren one, and the season at which I visited the country was 


12 Nothing but common salt is found in Seistan itself. The plain of Furrah i is a saltpetre marsh. 

Salt is found in patches in various parts of the desert, that of Peer i Rizre inthe Gurmsehl is cele- 
brated for its whiteness. 

1840.| Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. 719 

unfavourable to the prosecution of it. A description of the Hamoon 
however would be incomplete, without some notice of the more common 
animals to which the lake gives birth or affords nourishment. 

The marshy and reedy parts of the lake shelter innumerable wild hogs. 
In a small history of Seistan written by a native, it 
is stated, that when a man cultivates a piece of ground, 
he calculates on losing half the produce by their ravages. The villagers, 

as may be supposed, spare no means to destroy these 

Natural History. 

Wild Hogs. 
destructors ; they lay snares for them, shoot them, and 

hunt them down with dogs. The dogs are large, strong, bold animals, 
resembling the Bhil dogs of India, and are regularly trained to hunt. 
Accompanied by a dozen or more of these you sally out, and as soon as you 
approach the reedy grounds which the hogs frequent, you perceive on all 
sides the earth ploughed up with their tusks. The Seistanis, who are eager 
sportsmen, strip, and wade nearly naked through the mud. Soon a bark 
is heard, the note is immediately taken up, and all the dogs join in the 
ery like a pack of English hounds. After a due quantity of holloing 
and splashing the game is brought down, or if of large size, is held at bay 
till the huntsmen come up and despatch it with their matchlocks. The Seis- 
tanis though Sheeahs, and like all Sheeahs full of prejudices, do not object 
to handle the hog: the nearest huntsman cuts up the carcase and gives 
slices of it to the dogs, and the rest is brought home as food for them. 

When the waters are rising in the spring, herds of thirty or forty are 
to be seen swimming one behind the other from island to island. Large 
numbers are thus sometimes collected into a small spot, and the hunting 
then becomes most dangerous; hardly a year passes without lives being 
lost in the sport. 

The hogs are however a trifling nuisance compared with the hosts of 
insects bred in the stagnant waters. The mosquitoes 
are so troublesome, that in the spring, the poorest 
villager is obliged tec make a small room of a coarse open cloth called 
“kirbas,” into which he retires with his family as soon as the sun sets. “Clap 
your hands together,” said a man whom I asked to give me some idea of 
their number, for when we passed through Seistan there were none, “‘ and the 
palms will be covered with blood.” Fleas are said to be no less numerous, 
and from them there is no escape; but the worst plague of all are the flies. 

I had been sometime in Seistan before I understood why the inhabitants 
complained so much of these insects; a few would now and then settle on 
the inside of our horses thighs, (every other part of the body being 
always protected by cloth) and where they bite a small stain of blood is 


720 = Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. (No. 103. 

left, so that the animal was marked as if leeches had been applied to it; 
but this was all, and though every one said, ‘‘ You have not seen the flies, 
a cold night killed them just before you arrived, &c.,” I began to suspect 
that the reports I had heard on the subject were fabrications, or at least 
exaggerations. I was mistaken: it was our last march in Seistan; we 
were approaching Chukhnasoor, and our road lay over some soil which 
the water of the lake had lately left, and which was hard, dry, and broken 
into innumerable small cracks: from these cracks such swarms of flies 
issued, that I can only give an idea of their numbers, by comparing them, 
to bees near a hive which has just been disturbed. They buzzed round our 
faces, and bit us in every less protected part, as the ancle above the shoe, the 
neck, &c. When we reached our halting ground, Peer i Risri, on the bank 
of the river Khash, their numbers were incredible; the horses were nearly 
maddened, and the servants declared they would all be killed. We lighted 
fires on the windward side of every horse, smothering the flame to make 
the smoke rise: this was not sufficient; we could not drive away the flies 
from our own persons, and the heat was too great to allow of our covering 
our faces with a cloth.. On the opposite bank was a thick jungle of dry 
reed, we set fire to it, and huge volumes of smoke driving over us, we 
escaped our tormentors at the expense of sore eyes, and being blackened 
with ashes. During the night, afraid to face another day here, we hurried 
away to Ruddeh, glad to be quit of the flies and Seistan. 

The Seistan fly resembles the common fly, but is twice as large. In the 
spring it is of a pale brown with dark spots; as the year closes the colour 
turns black, and soon after the insect dies. The bite is painful, but less 
so than the sting of a wasp, and the pain is only momentary. 

To the annoying attacks of the flies, is generally attributed the re- 
markable mortality which prevails among horses in 
Seistan, and it is not improbable that the irritation 
produced by their bites may have considerable effect in promoting the 
evil. There is hardly a horse in the country. Of more than 5,000 brought 
by Kamran in his expedition, about four years ago, not one 1s said to have 
been alive six months after the return of the army to Herat. This is of 


course a gross exaggeration, but there is no doubt that the loss was 
immense. The few horses which the Seistan chiefs keep for state, are tended 
with the greatest care in dark stables, from which they never issue, unless 
on some important occasion, except during the winter. When brought out 
their whole bodies are covered with cloth, particular care being taken to 
protect the belly, for a bite in that part is considered fatal; they are never 
galloped, for it is believed that if a horse sweats, he is sure to die. I 
bought a horse from a Belooch chief, which Rhohundil Khan of Candahar 

1840.] Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. 721 

had sent down as a present four years before. The beast had never been 
mounted, had hardly left the stable, and the owner was glad to accept any 
trifle for it to escape the expence of its keep. 

The symptoms of the fatal disease, which is called “Soorkh surgeen,”’ 
or red dung, are as nearly as I could collect from in- 
Disease of the horse. 

quiries among the natives, and my own observation, as 
follows. First, the hind legs swell. The Seistanis then say ‘“ Bad gerift,” 
‘‘the wind has seized him,’’ an expression applied commonly to a rheumatic 
complaint. One of my riding horses refused its food; we were standing 
by inquiring the cause, when a man who was looking on, came up, opened 
the mouth of the animal, and exclaimed, ‘‘ Your horse will die---he has got 


white gums: this is the second symptom. The dung now turns of a 
vermillion colour, the skin is frequently covered with pimples, the urine is 
bloody, and at last a paralysis seizes on all the limbs, and soon after death 
ensues. The eye during the progress of the disease is of a pale yellow 
colour, only afew specks of white remaining, and it is said that the “tail 
dries up,” so that you can pull out the hairs by hands full. The disease in 
some cases I witnessed, killed in three days; but horses passing through 
Seistan generally live for a few months, dying however in certainly two 
cases out of five, within the year. The Seistanis having found all their re- 
medies fail, now generally abandon a horse to its fate as soon as it is taken 
ill. Bleeding, the most obvious treatment, is, I was assured, useless, and 
the only mode of cure recommended to me, (warm goat’s blood) is evidently 
absurd. This epidemic is confined to Seistan ; it is not known at Jowaine, 
or Neh, or even Kuddeh. ‘The Seistanis pretend that it has only appeared 
in their country of late years, but the ancient Zarangeans, and the armies 
which fought against Timoor, were foot soldiers, which argues the contrary. 

The climate is unfavourable, but in a less degree, to camels. Both these 
animals and sheep die in great numbers from eating the leaves 
of a plant called Trootk. Not more than 3 or 4000 camels 
could be procured in Seistan; when required, they are brought from Gurm- 
sehl, or the sandy desert to the S.E.Sheep. Sheep feed generally on a small 
creeping plant called Boonoo, which abounds in the salt grounds, and which 
tastes like salt itself. _Boonoo is sometimes used for horses’ food, but it is 


first washed, by which process it loses much ofits bitterness. There are many 
varieties of grasses all over the country, but several of them were said to have 
noxious qualities. (13) The only domestic animal which thrives well except 

13. I collected specimens of them which are not at present available for verification. The most 
common is called Kirta, when we passed through Furrah, that whole plain was covered with it, and 
resembled a rich English meadow, sheep and cows thrive on Kirta, but it acts on horses as an 

722 ~=Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. [No. 103. 

the mule and ass,---the latter of which is very common and useful, is the cow, 
which is much valued in the neighbouring countries. People 
send their cows from a distance to pasture on the reeds of the 
Hamoon, which soon bring them into condition, but a cow thus fattened, 
though looking sleek and plump, does not yield the same quantity of milk as 
the Candahar cow, which revels on artificial grasses ; for the first, six seers 
of milk is considered a fair supply; at Candahar twelve seers are commonly 
drawn. The Seistan cows are exported, three or four hundred every year, 
to Candahar, Persia, &c. I heard a well attested story of one which had re- 
turned by itself from Teheran. 

Cows are put to a singular use in this country (14); they are taught to 
hunt. In the spring, when the lake is covered with water- 
birds, the cow quietly crops the reeds, and the birds used 
to its presence, do not rise at its approach. Behind it skulks the hunts- 
man, his matchlock resting onits back. The cow moves along very quietly, 
first lifting one leg and then after a pause another, every now and then stop- 
ping and feeding, till it comes to within a few feet of a dense mass of fowls. 
The hunter then fires, picks up his prey, and continues his sport as before. 

Many cows are said to die from a disease called ‘“ Murk,” (a corruption 
perhaps of “ Murg,’” death) when you are told, a maggot is always found 
in the liver. : 

The water-birds of Seistan I did not see, but I could well credit the 
reports of their extraordinary numbers by the appearance of many parts 
of the grounds which had been lately deserted by water; in some places 

the marks of feet were so numerous as to remind us of an 

etching. Geese, ducks, and teal, are tamed. A very fine 
species of tame duck is brought from Bunpore, and is commonly offered as 
a present in Seistan. 

A famous shot, a cousin of the principal chief in Seistan, Mahomed Reza 
Khan, wrote out for me a long list of all the birds with which he was ac- 




quainted, with remarks on their habits, &c. but his notes are more amusing — 

than instructive.(15) 

There are probably few fish in the lakes, or rather few varieties of fish. 
In all the rivers we crossed from Girishke to Herat, though 
we frequently threw in poison, and caught fish in hundreds, 
we only found two species, a carp and a silurees. The Heri-rood has 


14. The same custom is known in Afghanistan ; see Elphinstone. 

15. Thus he speaks of the Kohtan, or pelican, the water-carrier of the birds, which fills its bag with 
water, and flies far away into the thirsty desert, where the little birds exchange the food which they 
have collected, for a drink of his water. Or of the ‘‘ Furdeh begirum,” or ‘‘I’ll catch him to-morrow,” 
a kind of bastard hawk. Every morning it resolves to go a hunting, but scarcely has it made two 
circles in the air, when a piece of cow-dung attracts its eye, ‘‘ Well never mind,” it exclaims, a se 
down on the cow-dung, “ I’ll catch to-morrow.” 

1840.| Sketch of’ the Physical Geography of Seistan. 723 

also the dace, and in the Hamoon there is a small fish much esteemed, 
called Aujuk ; it was not in season, and I did not see one. 

The more common wild animals are wolves (which will attack cows 
and even men) jackalls, hyenas, foxes, porcupines, hedge-hogs, the kan- 
garoo-rat, otters, &c. 

The skins of the last are exported to Bokhara, and sell even in Seistan 
for three or four rupees. The leopard, or as a native described it to me, 
‘the tiger’s younger brother,’’ is found in the western hills, to which it 
gives a name. 

Wild asses and deer abound in the desert which lies between the Hel- 
mund and the Bundau hills. This tract differs much from the sandy desert 
south of the river. Little sand is found on it, except in strips of no great 
width. For the most part it consists of a hard, compact, light-coloured clay, 

De: over which a few shrubs, tamarisks, and grasses are thinly 

scattered, but sometimes it-is perfectly destitute of vegetation 

for miles. Large spaces are found covered over with rolled stones, nor 

could we in every case assign a plausible explanation of their presence. 
The few isolated hills are marked on the map. 

Water is procured by digging wells in the beds of one or two small 
rivulets, such as the Murja and Tagrish, which are dry except after a fall 
of rain, and a tract runs through the desert, called Shund, where water can 
always be found within a few feet of the surface. Formerly brick wells were 
to be met with at every 10 or 12 miles on the caravan routes, but they 
are now almost all of them purposely destroyed by the Afghans, that 
the plundering Belooches may be prevented by want of halting places 
from invading them. From the scarcity of water in the interior, it is 
almost destitute of animal life; the deer are found near the rivers, but 
chiefly, and in immense herds, at a distance of generally 7 or 8 miles from 
the Helmund, where they are almost intermixed with large flocks of 
sheep, which are sent there from the banks of the river to fatten on a grass 
called Muj. The mode of catching the deer is curious. The canals for 
irrigation are always cut as closely as possible to the cliffs of the desert, 
a narrow space only being left for a high road. The traveller in the 
Gurmsehl will remark the outer or desert edge of the canals lined for miles 
with a slight railing of threads raised on small pieces of stick; at every 
one or two hundred yards a gap is left. Here in a pit dug for the purpose 
on the inner side of the canal, sits crouching the hunter, the muzzle of 
his matchlock, which rests on the edge of the pit, being concealed by a 
parapet of small stones. 

In the twilight, either morning or evening, the deer steal from the dry 
desert to slake their thirst in the canal, sometimes singly, sometimes in 

724 Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. |No. 105. 

herds, one walking quietly behind the other. A troop is seen approach- 
ing; on reaching the edge of the water the white line is perceived, and the 
leader afraid to cross it, turns, and followed by the rest walks trembling 
along side of it till the spot is reached where the hunter lies concealed. 
This is an anxious moment; the deer pauses as if to consult with his bre- 
thren. Frequently the marksman in his eagerness moves, a stone falls 
down from the parapet, and the startled herd scamper off to the desert 
again; but they must soon return. As the poor animal which has been 
once scared returns half dead with fear and thirst to the dangerous spot, 
you can hear its heart beating. Slowly, and step by step, frequently stop- 
ping and looking round, it at length has neared the water: it stoops to 
drink : the muzzle of the gun is within a few inches of its head: before one 
sip has been taken, a bullet has pierced its brain. 

Wild asses are not common in that part of the desert I traversed; they 
are said to be found in great numbers, in herds of two or three hundred, 
on the plains west of Seistan. 

The soil of Seistan is celebrated for its richness, and many incredible 
Soil. stories were told me of its productiveness. From this ferti- 

lity it might be supposed that Seistan was a garden,---it is 
a desert rather. With the exception of wheat, cotton (the plant of 
which is not half the height of the Indian one, but which bears a large 
pod) and in some places rice, and a little ill flavoured tobacco, and a few of 
the coarser grains, bajra, &c. almost the only plants found there are grasses 
and water-melons. The latter are singularly fine and large, and of several 
kinds; there are no artificial grasses, no vegetables, nor flowers. The larg- 
est tree is a sickly pomegranate. If a Seistani is asked ‘why don’t you 
make gardens?” he will answer, “We don’t know how.” Were the people 
less ignorant and lazy, their country would produce every plant which 
grows in Candahar or Persia, besides probably sugar-cane, and many of 
the productions of Hindoostan ; there is no reason why trees should not 
flourish here. The Gurmsehl was equally destitute of them a few years 
ago, but some 1200 young mulberry trees were imported there by a chief, 
and the country is now well stocked with them. 

The climate of Seistan is decidedly unfavourable to human life, and the 
small proportion of old men struck us forcibly. Fever and 
ague is the prevailing disease, as might be expected from 
the immense quantity of stagnant water, to which is superadded the 
bad effects of hot days and generally cold nights. From the constant high 
wind and the dust it raises, mixed with particles of salt, or from general ill 
health, consequent on malaria, one man in five throughout the country 
has diseased eyes. Nature indeed, as respects comfort, has little favoured , 






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1840.] Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. 725 

Seistan, and for three months of the year only, the cold months (16), can life 
in it be said to be enjoyed.(17) 

Note on the Map. 

Any merits, which the map may be judged to possess, should be 
attributed to Sergeant Cameron, who surveyed the whole route, except 
that part of it which lies between Seistan and Killah Beest, for the errors 
of which I alone am responsible.(18) 

The survey has been made only with the compass, but a flat country, 
with hills interspersed at long intervals is so easily laid down, we had so 
many well determined points d’appui, and our numerous bearings answer- 
ed so perfectly, that I feel confident of there being no error of consequence 
in the portion of the map over which our route lay. 

From Gerishke to Herat the route has been taken from Capt. Lander’s 

The villages in the valley of Furrah are placed from native information. 
During our stay in that valley there was a thick haze which prevented the 
taking of a bearing. 

The determining what shape to give to the Hamoon, which has a 
different shape every month of the year, was a point of much doubt and 
difficulty ; the one adopted is that we believe the lake to assume in June, 
when the water retires from overflowing the surrounding country to its 
more natural and proper bed. Under these circumstances all that can be 
hoped for, or expected, is an approximation to the truth, but the only part 

16 The cold weather is very pleasant, and similar to that of the north-west of Hindoostan. Snow 
has been known to fall in Seistan, but it is a rare and remarkable occurrence. Snow lies for five or 
six days during the winter at Herat. Its boundary is said to be the height of Shah Bed, but it not 

-unfrequently snows at Hilzawar. About two years ago an army from Candahar invaded Herat; 
| while it was encamped at Jaja a fall of snow surprised them, which was so severe that they lost 
several hundred horses. 

17 In apology for the many omissions of this imperfect paper, I may mention that it is only a part 
| of a more comprehensive memoir, which I am drawing up on the subject of Seistan. . 
18 The untimely end of Sergeant Cameron has been already made public. This man, the son of 
| arespectable builder of Perth, after his return from Seistan accompanied me in a journey through 
some before unexplored parts of the Eusafzye country. I cannot speak too highly of his zeal for 
| Science, industry, ready talents, and gentlemanly deportment. His health failed him in Seistan, 
| from whence to the Helmund, we were obliged to have him carried on a bed. Afterwards he rallied 
| again, but his disease, consumption, was latterly gaining upon him, and I do not think that under 
_ any circumstances, he could have lived many months longer. As he was too weak to travel except 
| slowly, I left him at Peshawer to follow at his leisure, and myself went on in advance with a few 
horsemen to Jelalabad. He had a strong guard with him, and had nearly reached the end of the 
_ Khyber pass. Unsuspicious of danger, he had dropped a little in rear of his party, when on a 
, sudden he found himself surrounded by sixty men, while sixty others appeared on the hill above 
him. Seeing that resistance was hopeless, he dismounted, and drawing his sword, presented it 
to the nearest of the robbers. Just at that moment a stone struck him on the head and knocked 
_ him down ; the ruffians in their blind fury rushed on him, and cut him to pieces with their knives. 


726 = Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. [No. 103. 

of the Hamoon regarding which I do not feel satisfied, is to the south, 
where we have fewer opportunities of checking our information. 

It is a source of much regret that we did not visit Zirreh; a 
of the geography of the country, we were not aware of our having 
travelled away from it, till it was too late to repair the error; and as that 
part of Seistan is now uninhabited and rarely visited, it was difficult to get 
any satisfactory account of its present condition. 

Of all the places inserted in the map which did not come under our 
personal observation, the relative positions alone can be depended on. 
The distances from one spot to another are in many instances doubtful, if 
not conjectural. 

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 
(Wednesday Evening, 7th October, 1840.) 
The Honorable Sir E. Ryan, President, in the Chair. 

' The following gentlemen proposed at the last Meeting, were elected Members of 
the Society :— 

M. P. EpcEwortu, Esq. Capt. W. Lovepay, ditto. 
Capt. T. Hurton, 37th Regt. N. I. Dr. J. D. D. Ha&BERLIN. 

Library and Museum. 
The following Books, &c. were presented :— 

Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia; History of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, 
vol. 3. 
Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, by Professor Jameson, 1840, No. 56. 
London and Edinburgh Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science, No. 
- 104, May 1840, London, 3d Series. 

Yarrell’s History of British Birds, London, May 1840, 18. 
Oriental Christian Spectator, August 1840, 2nd Series, vol. Ist, No. Sth. 
Journal des Savans, J anvier, Fevrier, Mars. 1840, Paris. 
Bulletin dela Societe’ de Geographic, Paris, 1839, 2nd Series, Tome 12, 8vo. 
Christian Observer, new Series, vol. lst, No. 10. 
Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, New Series, vol. 9th, No. 17. - 
Sketch of the Country between Kurrachee and the Aghar River, MSS. 
Sketch shewing the situation of the Coals found in the Tenasserim Provinces. 
Sree Vhagavat (Purana) in Deva Nagari, 4to. 
Corrected Copy in Deva Nagari Character from the original in the Journal. 
Four Pooties in Sanscrit. 

A tin box of forged Seals presented by A. GRANT, Esq. Collector of Delhi, forwarded 

by H. M. Exxior, Esq. 

1840. | oe Asiatic Society. vis a4 

Catalogue of the Birds of the Peninsula of India, by T. C. Jerpon, Madras, 1839. 

Rapport fait a L’Academic Royale des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres (Institut de 
France) au subject du pied Romain, Juin 1839. 

A Code of Laws extracted for the Armenians of the province of Ararat in Armenia, 
in Armenian, presented by J. AvpALL, Esq. 

Annals of Natural History, or Magazine of Zoology, Botany, and Geology, No. 31, 
June 1840. 

Vishnu Purana, translated by H. H. Wixson, London, 1840, Ato. 

Les Sultans Mamlouks de Makrize traduction de M. Quatremere. Paris 1840, Tome 
Ist. Liv. 2nd, 4to. 


Skeleton of an Ostrich, presented by the Honorable Sir Jasper NICcOLLs, pre- 
pared in the Museum. 

Ditto of a Vulture, purchased, and prepared in ditto. 

Specimens of Sponge, presented by Col. D. Macteop. 

Several impressions of Seals. 

The followiny Works were presented. 

Memoir on the length of an ancient Standard measure of the Roman foot, discovered 
at Candabie, in Normandy. 

Notices, of the Galla Tribe at Limmon, on the frontier of Abyssinia, 
also presented to the Society by M. Jomarp, President of the Royal Geographical 
Society at Paris, and Member of the French Institute, were forwarded by Major T. B. 
Jervis, of the Bombay Engineers. That officer in forwarding them, writes—‘‘ Which 
gives me an occasion of offering a few words on the importance to British interest of 
securing the good will of a people situated so favourably for throwing in supplies in 
any case of emergency into Aden, and the facilities the country affords of providing 
suitable cattle (a large and powerful description of mules) at a very reasonable rate, : 
for the Horse Artillery of India. 

‘* I cannot but express my surprise, that so little concern has been given to the’ 
country which several foreign powers are striving by any means, and no doubt with 
other than mere commercial views, to preoccupy.—The French Government, as may 
be judged from this little notice, have long had their eye on it; and since that period 
Messrs. D’AxpBapIk, freres, have been deputed to explore its resources, and are now in 
or about the neighbouring coast. Messrs. IsenpERG and Kraprrt, Germans of the 
London Missionary Society, have their residence in Abyssinia, and a Mr. AyrsTon is 
also exploring the country on his own, or what account I know not. It would be well 
to occupy it by some moderate, able person in the capacity of British Agent, were it 
only for the purpose of protecting a lucrative trade that might be carried on by 
British subjects, and which is now altogether in American hands; while it would serve 
as a general sort of watch tower to keep an eye on the iniquitous traffic in slaves from 
Zanguebar, Mozambique, and Madagascar, with the shores of Arabia and Egypt. 
Moohummud Alee, who draws thence the larger portion of the slaves sold in the mar- 
kets of Cairo and Alexandria, was not insensible to the political importance of the 
Galla country, and the shores to the east of it.” 

728 Asiatic Society. (No. 103. 

A memorandum of assets was submitted by the Officiating Secretary, as pre- 
pared by Mr. W. H. Botst, Assistant and Accountant, shewing at credit of 

the Society in the Bank of Bengal, ts oe <> Jvre ss 39168 
Outstanding bills to the 2nd quarter of 1840 for contributions from 
members, 45 ae ne a ate ae e- Rs. 5,096 
Doubtful—Parties being absent in England, &c. .. -. 1,168 ——— 
Irrecoverable—Parties being dead, AS A ~- 304 1,472 
Rs, 3,624 

Add contributions for the 3rd. quarter of 1840, just due and realizable, 
about,.. Rs. 2,400 


In course of realization, Rs. 6,024 

Read the following letter and list of land and fresh water shells for the East India 
Company’s Museum, by Dr. J. T. PEARSON. 

To the Officiating Secretary to the Asiatic Society. 

“¢ Srr,— Having seen in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, an extract of a letter 
from Dr. HorsFIELD, in which he states that the Museum of the E. J. Company con- 
tains but few specimens of the Zoology of the continent of India; I have the honour 
to request you will obtain for me the favour of the Society transmitting to that gentle- 
man, the accompanying fifty species of the land and fresh water shells of this country 5 
to be presented on my part to the above mentioned Museum. 

‘‘T am induced to prefer this request, from the bad fortune which has hitherto attended 
my private efforts to send specimens to England; having had no news of not less than 
three consignments to the late Secretary to the Zoological Society, Mr. Bennett (in — 
his private capacity, however,) to Mr. Swainson, and to Dr. Traill, from which cir- 
cumstance I am induced to think they were not delivered. 

‘‘ Accompanying the specimens is a list, with such remarks of their locality, &c., as 
I thought might be useful. 

‘‘As the specimens are for the most part fragile, you will oblige me by taking great 
care in handling them, should they be inspected by the Society. I must also add, in 
excuse for the few specimens of each species, that I lost a considerable portion of my 
collection; but.hope to be able hereafter to forward a greater number. 

“‘If the Society will allow me, I propose to forward through them, a series of speci- 
mens of the other branches of the Zoology of these mountains to the E. I. Company’s 
‘Museum, as I have opportunity for collecting them. I have, &c. &c. 


List of land and fresh water shells for the E. I. Company’s Museum, from As- — 
sistant Surgeon J. T. PEarson.—Darjeeling, 10th Aprit, 1840. 

1.—Unio bilinearis—BEnson.—Found in a tank on the Esplanade of Fort William. — 
2.—Unio favidens—BENsoN.—Found in running streams, and -common in most — 
rivulets in India. | 
_3.—Unio maigmalis.——-——Common in tanks of stagnant water, and less so in 
rivulets. . | 
4.—Cyclostoma involvalus.—Soverty.—Common in the Rajhmahl hills, and at q 
Midnapore. | 

1840. | Asiatic Society. 729 

5.—Cyclostoma involvalus.—Soverty.—Found at Cherra Poonjee, and in the Dar- 
* jeeling district of the Himalya mountains. At Darjeeling it is of the smaller size, 

but lower down, at an elevation of not more than 2,500 to 4,000 feet, they are much 
larger—as large again as those sent; but I have not a good specimen of this large 
variety. Mr. Benson is of opinion this species is the same as No. 4. 

6.—Cyclostoma ———— Found also at Darjeeling, but not very common. 

7.—Pterocyclos hispidum peaugo.—From the Garrow Hills. I described this and 
the following shell in the Journal of the Asiatic Society for November 1833, under the 
name of Spiraculum hispidum ; a generic name, which out of deference to Mr. 
Benson’s authority as a conchologist (independent of his prior claim) I think it 
right to withdraw. 

8.—Pterocyclos parvus.—Prarson.—Locality as the last species. 

9.—Pterocyclos rupestrisx—BENson.—Found in the Rajhmahl hills. The first spe- 
cies of the genus discovered by Mr. Benson. 

10.—Helix ——-—— Found at Darjeeling. The only live specimen I have yet met 

11.—Melania varialilis—Brnson.—Found in Tolly’s Nullah, near Calcutta. It 
was also in the Sylhet and Cherra Poonjee collection, which J purchased jointly with 
the Asiatic Society. 

12.—Melania stephanus.—Brenson.—In the above mentioned collection. 

13.—Melania zonata.—Brnson.—In the above collection. 

14.—Melania coricca ?—Gray.—ditto, ditto. 
15.—Melania ——-—— Found in tanks and rivulets of Bengal. 
16.—Melania ditto, ditto, ditto. 
17.—Melania ditto, ditto, ditto. 
18.—Melania ditto, ditto, ditto. 
19,.—Paludina bengalensis. ditto, ditto. 

20.—Paludina crassa.—Inhabits the rivers &c. of India. 
21.—Paludina pulchella.—From the Sylhet collection. 
22.—Paludina ——— ditto, ditto, ditto. 

23.—Lymnea I discovered this species in a tank on the road from Howrah to 
Bishop’s College, near Calcutta. 
24 —Lymnea Common in stagnant waters all over India. 

25.—Planosbis indicus.—ditto, ditto, ditto. 
26.—Vitrina gigus. From the Sylhet collection. 
27.—Helix ——— Bengal. 

28.—Helix ——— From the Sylhet collection. 

29.—Helix ——-——-—— ditto, ditto, ditto. 
30.—Helix ditto, ditto, ditto. 
31.—Helix ditto, ditto, ditto. 
32.—Helix ditto, ditto, ditto. 

33.—Neritina depressa.—BENson.—Found on the piles on the banks of the river 
Hoogly at Calcutta. 

34.—Neritina tigrina.—BENson.—Locality as the last species. 

39.—Neritina I am not sure that this species is described. I found it adhering 
to stones, at low water, in Tolly’s Nullah. 

36,—Assaminia fusicata ?—Common on the banks of the Hoogly. 

730 Asiatic Society. [No. 105. 

37.—Nematura ?—Found in the aqueduct leading from the Hoogly to the Course, 

38.—Scarabus triangularis.—Benson.—On the banks of the Hoogly at Calcutta. 

39.—Clausilia loxastonia.—BENSON. 

40. —Pupa—— Found, in advance in the sands on the banks ot the Ganges 
near the mouth of the Goorutee, but I did not meet with a single live specimen. They 
appear to have been washed down and cast among the weeds, &c. 

41.—Bulminus. ——-——-—— Found at Darjeeling. 

42.—Achatinia. ———_~——- Common in Bengal. I regret I have not a better spe- 
cimen than the one sent. * 

43.—Navicella compressa.—Benson.—Found on the piles on the banks of the 
Hoogly near Calcutta. I have but one specimen left, which will account for the 
injured state of that sent. : 

44.—Navecella tessellata.—Lemarck.—Locality as the last. 

45.—Cerithissa sulcatum.—LEmMarck.—Estuaries of the rivers of Bengal. 

46.—Cerithissa —_-——-—-. ditto, ditto, ditto. 

47,—Cerithissa —— ditto, ditto, ditto. 

48, -_—_-—_—_——- Found in the aqueduct mentioned under 37. 

49.—Modiola ——~——-—— Found in Tolly’s Nullah, adhering to stones, &c., by a 
string byssus. I think it a new and undescribed species. 

5(0.—_—_——-——--_—Found in the sands of the Ganges, &c. Besides the above, a 

bottle containing the shells with the animals of Cyclostoma incrolubus, Heritina de- 
pressa, and Tigrina and Pteroclos rupestris. 

Read a letter from J. H. Batten, Esq. of the C. S. enclosing one from Captain 
HvuppDLESTONE, giving copies of an apparent inscription engraved on a Chobootra at 
Dewulghur in Ghurrawul, with a drawing of the Chobootra. Dewulghur is situated 
about 10 miles east from Sreenuggur, at some height above the valley of the Ulluk- 
nunder river, and possesses a rather handsome temple and establishment. Next to the 
showy shrines of Buddinath, Kedranath, &c. Dewulghur, is the chief religious esta- 
blishment in Ghurrawul. 

The character of this inscription, which is represented by Captain HuDDLESTONE 
as extending throughout the whole of the Chobootra, and the carving is said to be ex- 
ceedingly elaborate, appears to be a Toghra in the Sanscrit character, but none of the 
Pundits to whom it has been shewn, nor Mr. Csoma DE Korosi1 have as yetsucceeded in 
decyphering any portion of it. The character would appear to be unique, and should 
the specimen now furnished continue to baffle our attempts at its interpretations the 
Officiating Secretary proposes to publish a facsimile of it, and invite the attention of 
the readers of the Journal to a consideration of this curious variety of character. 

Read a letter from Dr. Cuapman, H.M’s. 16th Lancers, on the subject of the 
reading to be adopted on the legend of the so-called Demetrius Mayes’ Coins. The 
Officiating Secretary expressed his regret at not having been able to publish some 
very interesting speculations by Dr. Coapman on Bactriannumismatics, in consequence 
of his unfortunately not having it in his power to procure accurate and creditable 
lithographs of the casts of coins which accompanied that gentleman’s paper. The 
same impediment had prevented him from publishing a collection of gems by the 
same contributor; but he trusted to be able very shortly to overcome this difficulty. 

1840.) Asiatic Society. 731 

Read a letter from Captain T. S. Burt, of Engineers, of which the following is an 
extract :— 

‘¢ On the third page I have the pleasure to send you some information which the 
Rey. Mr. Pratt has kindly favored me with; by noticing the existence of the pillar 
in your Journal, it may be discovered and an old character on it besides, for I should 
doubt any one having dug down to its base, buried as it is 21 feet below ground, 
notwithstanding what the Oriental Repository says on the subject. I brought to notice a 
pillar at Patna with some antique writing upon it in the March number of the Journal 
Vol. III. for 1834, but I cannot think it means this one. Sir Charles WILKINs found 
one some where in the neighbourhood of Patna also, and translated the inscription 
found upon it in, J think, the Ist Vol. A. R. but as well as I recollect, that was at 
Buddal not Singea. 

“ Extract from Oriental Repository, Vol. 2, 1808. 

‘*« The plate of an ancient column near Singea in Bahar, was obligingly communis 
cated by Mr. Tuomas Cotuinson. In the letter dated loth February 1793, he says— 
This singular column is situated on the site of an obscure village in the neighbour- 
hood of Singea in the province of Bahar, of which no traces whatever with respect to 
its establishment are to be derived either from oral tradition or the existing legends 
of former times; nor is there any inscription discoverable on any part of the column, 
though it has been carefully examined many feet below the surface of the earth. 

** Note.—Some foolish travellers have cut their names upon it, but it is to be hoped 
this impertinence will be soon effaced from the column, and I would not let the copper 
plate be a record of their folly. The whole of the shaft is said to be one entire piece. 
It is of greyish stones or marble (?) ‘The dion on the capital is of the same material, 
but what renders the subject still more extraordinary, is, that 4here is not a stone 
to be found within 150 miles of the spot, or such an animal as the one described 
within the circle of our dominions—consequently, but little known to the natives. 
The sculptural decorations bear no similitude to the works either of the Hindoo, or 
Musulman artists. 

“* Dimensions. ft. in. 
Shaft, an entire stone, .. o* = a ty - 44 0 
Ditto sunk, EA ae ae SB “4 ae assy Zhe nO 
Ditto above ground, .. oe oe we ve -- 23 0 
Diameter at ground, .. ee ee oe oe oo OA 
Ditto under capital, .. af oe as we ss 3 9 
Height of capital without the lion, .. cing ze airs 2i0 
Table on which the lion sits, .. ais oe a sett 10} 10 

Ditto long, ee ee oe ee oi ve o- 4 6 
Ditto broad, oe a oe oe aie Nhs? Jt ONLY 
Height of lion from pawtoear, .. oe ee - o 4 

‘* Lion and Capital one stone, 
(‘* 1792. Signed) D. C:”’ 
It was suggested that early occasion should be taken to invite research upon the 
interesting subject mentioned by Captain Burt. 
Read a letter from Dr. H. Fatconsr, with impressions of gems from Affghanistan. 
Read a letter from J. Avpatt, Esq. forwarding a Memoir of Mechithar ghosh, the 
Armenian Legislator for the Journal of the Asiatic Society. 

732 Asiatic Society. [No. 108. 

Read a letter from Captain T. P. Cautiey, forwarding a Memorandum on the 
Fossil Camelide of the Sewalik range. This paper was published in No. 102 of the 

Read a letter from Captain F. Maceratu, Commanding the Arracan Local 
Battalion to the address of the Secretary, apprizing him of his having dispatched to his 
address, to be disposed of as would appear most expedient, a fine specimen of that rare 
and curious animal, the Sand Hog of Arracan. This animal was taken in the hills 
above the Koladyne river (vide Dr. Evans’ Memoir Asiatic Society’s Journal, 
August, 1838, No. 80.) Captain Maceratu, gives the following account of the 
local name of the animal, and the habitssof this specimen now supplied by him— 

‘©The Mugs call this animal Quado Waitdoo, this interpreted signifies an animal 
between a pig and adog, or more literally partaking of the character of both. I got 
this creature about two months since, when he had not a tooth, and was fed on milk 
with cotton; as he grew up he took to eating cooked fish and even meat, also getting 
under the Bungalow and groping for worms and insects. He used to run about the 
house quite tame, and has never been confined day or night; his courage is great, and 
indeed if it is not guarded against, he will be meeting his death in consequence, for he 
will attack a dog, who with one gripe would destroy him; in fact he has no fear.’ 

The Officiating Secretary informed the Meeting that he had taken upon himself to 
present the animal to the Menagerie at Barrackpore in the name of the Society, to 
whom he considered it had been virtually presented by Captain Maccratun, and he 
had great satisfaction in stating that the animal had thrived exceedingly well where 
he was now placed, and that there was every reason to anticipate his attaining his 
full growth without accident. 

It was proposed by the Honorable W. W. Birp, and seconded by Dr. 
Watticu, when the subject of the choice of a permanent Curator was agitated, that 
Mr. Biytu, in whose favor Professor Wi1Lson had furnished Sir E. Ryan with the 
highest testimonials, should be invited to this country for the purpose of assuming the 
permanent duties of the Office, and that in the mean time arrangements should be 
made for securing efficient supervision over the affairs of the Museum, by employment 
of a gentleman of due qualifications, whose services might be now available in 
Calcutta. In pursuance of this determination, arrangements were made subsequently 
to the Meeting by which the services of Mr. H. PIDDINGTON were secured as tem- 
porarily in charge of the Curatorship. 

It was proposed by Sir E. Ryan, that a Standard Barometer among the collection 
of Instruments belonging to the late Mr. Jamxs Prinsep, his Cabinet of Minerals, 
his Comparative Barometer, and instrument for effecting correction of atmospheric 
changes, should be proposed to Government as proper to be purchased for the general 
purposes of science, and placed in the Society’s Rooms for general reference by the 
public, and the Officiating Secretary was directed to address Government on the 
subject accordingly. 

For the above presentations and contributions the thanks of the Society were ac- 

ee ee 

Ee a 




Points in the History of the Greek, and Indo-Scythian Kings 
in Bactria, Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering 
the ancient legends on their coins. By Curistian LAssEn, 
Bonn, 1838.' 

Here we must try to supply Strabo’s brevity by other accounts. 
I ascribe to Menandros the subduing of Pattalene and Syrastrene. 
Strabo makes no mention of these districts as conquests of Me- 
nandros beyond those of Alexander’s expedition, because Alex- 
ander had advanced to Pattalene, therefore in this direction to 
the sea-coast. This interpretation is proved probable by the 
well known passage in the Periplus,* according to which, coins 
of Menandros and Apollodotos were still in use during the Ro- 
man erain Barygaza. To Demetrius we must assign the conquest 
of Ariana, viz. the country of the Paropamisades and Arachosia ; 
this is the opinion already formed by Bayer,t on the autho- 
rity of Isidor of Charax, who mentions among the towns of 
Arachosia, Papsaya OAC, Kat Anuntpiac TroAtc, sira AAséav- 
dpo7oXuc, pnt pomroAuc ’"Apaywotac, éatt® EAAnvic. This (town 
of Demetrius) was probably built by him. But when Bayer 
thinks Demetrius also founded a town on the borders of the 
Hydaspes, because Ptolemy says of 2ayada 7) Kat EvOupndia 

1 Continued from p. 676. vol. ix. 
* p. 17. Huds. +. pe 94. 
No. 104, New Szriss, No. 20. BA 

734 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. 

(ed-uedia) the clue is fallacious. We shall not indeed reject 
the excellent conjecture, that Ev@vdnuia is to be read, and that 
the town was named after Euthydemos, but why should no one 
except Demetrius so name a town ? 

If our remarks above made to the effect, that the Greeks in 
Bactria previously to the year 200 B. c., possessed no territory 
whatever to the south of the Indian Caucasus be correct, the fol- 
lowing arrangement of our known facts suggests itself. When 
Euthydemos was relieved from the attacks of Antiochos, he 
made an invasion, either in person or through his son, Demetrios, 
of the countries to the south of the Caucasus; here he must 
have first encountered the Paropamisades. Arachosia bounds on 
them on the westward, and from thence Demetrios most probably 
endeavoured to reconquer his paternal inheritance. That here 
was the main site of his power, is confirmed by the name of the 
town, Demetrias, and this likewise explains why we have but 
so few coins of his ; they must be looked for in Candahar. 

His dominion in western Cabulistan and Arachosia sufficient- 
ly explains the title, ‘* King of the Indians. ””? Demetrios, however, 
pretends, by the adoption of elephants as trophies, to victories 
over India Proper, and we have no ground for denying his right 
to them. 

It is true, those victories would prove hardly probable, if 
Menandros were his cotemporary, as Mr. Mueller thinks.* 
But he takes Strabo’s words in a too literal sense, while they, 
as the passage plainly shows, are intended only as general expres- 
sions. The coins at least afford no proof that both were cotem- 

The chronological tables to be obtained for the history of 
Bactria, can only result from a comparison of all the passages 
relative to this inquiry. 

* p. 209. 

+ I drew no conclusion for my assertion from the non-existence 
of the Cabulian letters on the coins of Demetrios, as this may be accounted 
for by his governing countries more to the westward, where the use of 
those letters was not so common asin Cabul. It is, however, the most 
probable supposition that he did not use Cabulian letters, because his 
successors had the first idea of adopting them (on their coins.) 

1840. ] Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 790 

The principal passage on Eukratides is the following, 
Justin xii. 6. “ Eodem ferme tempore, sicuti in Parthis 
Mithridates, ita in Bactris Eucratides, magni uterque viri, 
regna ineunt. Sed Parthorum fortuna felicior ad summum hoc 
duce imperii fastigium eos perduxit. Bactriani autem, per varia 
bella jactati, non regnum tantum, verum etiam libertatem amise- 
runt; siquidem Sogdianorum, et Arachotorum, et Drangianorum 
Indorumque bellis fatigati, ad postremum ab invalidioribus 
Parthis, veluti exsangues, oppressi sunt. Multa tamen Eucratides 
bella magna virtute gessit, quibus attritus, quum obsidionem 
Demetrii regis Indorum pateretur, cum trecentis militibus 
sexaginta millia hostium assiduis eruptionibus vicit. Quinto 
itaque mense liberatus, Indiam in potestatem redegit. Unde quum 
se reciperet, a filio, quem socium regni fecerat, in itinere inter- 
ficitur, qui non dissimulato parricidio, velut hostem, non patrem, 
interfecisset, et per sanguinem ejus currum egit, et corpus 
abjici insepultum jussit.”’ 

First we remark on this passage, that the whole does not refer 
to Kukratides, namely not that part in which the reasons for 
the decline and the downfall of the Bactrian empire are enume- 
rated. Throughout the whole passage one idea pervades, viz. that 
the fate of both empires, the Parthian and the Bactrian, was 
identical in the simultaneous accession to power of two great 
monarchs, but opposite in the simultaneous progress of one, to 
the highest pitch of power ; of the other, to total destruction. 
Under the impression of this leading idea, the author suddenly 
turns to relate the circumstances which weakened and eventually 
ruined the empire of Bactria, namely, the wars with the neigh- 
bouring nations ; this is an important notice, as involving a fact 
hitherto entirely overlooked, which is, that the detached kingdoms 
of Drangiana, Arachosia, and India, existed cotemporaneously 
together with that of Bactria. But it does not follow, that all the 
wars Eukratides was engaged in, must be the very same, which 
the Bactrians waged with the Drangians, Arachosians, and 
Indians, or, in other words, it is not necessary, that the three 
nations, now mentioned, must have formed independent states 
before Kukratides, as they may also have become independent 
after his murder. Moreover, if we may be allowed to follow a 

736 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. 

clue not wholly authentic, these kingdoms must have originated 
after Demetrius ; for supposing Demetrius king of Arachosia, 
and that he was here called king of the Indians also, Justin could 
not separate Arachosja from India in speaking of a time when 
both countries still obeyed Demetrius. I therefore suspect, that 
immediately after the overthrow of this king, Eukratides took 
possession of Demetrios’ Indian dominions, while Arachosia 
and Drangiana, likewise subject to Demetrios, became indepen- 
dent states under their own Satraps. On this supposition the 
wars by which Bactria was so much disorganized as to fall an 
easy prey to the Parthians, would have been carried on by the 
son of Eukratides against the attacks of the united Drangians, 
Arachosians, Indians, and Sogdians. 

Under this view the aspect of Bactrian history is so much 
changed, that I shall directly mention some facts corroborative 
of the above. 

First. We know, that Eukratides after having conquered 
Demetrios, turned* his arms against the Indus and Hydaspes, 
probably therefore, against countries belonging either to Deme- 
trios himself, or to a king allied to him. 

Secondly. Two kings laid claim to having reigned immediately 
after Eukratides, though not in Bactria itself, viz. Antialkides 
in western Cabul, and Antimachos in Drangiana; this latter 
on the authority of the coins, which point to a victory at sea. 

» ~~ rg 
* Strabo XV. § 3. AmoAXodwpoc you o ra TlapMika romeoac, 
, \ «- Sint J N ? , e , 
peuynpévog Kat Tov thy Baxtpiayyny atoornoavtwy EXXAnvev 
Tapa THY Lvpiakwv Baciiéwv twv awo LeAsbKov rou Nikaro~ 
poc, not piv avrove avénbévrac éeiféobar Kat ty Ivdicy, 
> \ \ ? ~ , > / 3 Q 
ovory O& TpocavakadvmTE TwY TpdTEPOY Eyvwoputvwr, dAXaG 
> - = ~ wn 
Kal evavtioAoye, mwAeiw tHe “lvdiKne, éxeivouc, n Makedovac, 
katraotpepacBar Aéywr. "Evxparioav your TOAELC XtAlac up 
e rar ’ ’ > io% ‘ \ oo ~ e , A 
gauTw ExELV, EkeLvOUG O aUTa Tap eracy eOvn route YOaorrov kat 
~ e , a 3 . ’ , , \ “4 
rou Ymavoc, tov apOuorv evvéa, TOAEG TEE OXELY TEVTAKICYE- 
Xlac, k. 7. A, This cannot be but a contradiction of Apollodoros him- 
self. Groskurd’s Erdbeschr. Strabo III. 109. 

1840. } From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 737 

In these countries this could have only taken place on the great 
lake of the Drangians. Both kings first assume the title vuenpopoc, 
and are founders of empires by successful wars ; chronology there- 
fore admitting, (on this hereafter,) we may justly attribute to 
Antimachos the foundation of the Drangian, and to Antialkides 
that of the Arachosio-Cabulian empires ; the foundation of the 
Indian empire must then belong to a third king. | 

If there were only one Eukratides, the coins with Cabulian le- 
gends, and the title of great king, must be ascribed to the for- 
tunate, though short, epoch of his life, when his reign extended 
to the Hydaspes. I say short, because he fell by the hand of 
his son at the very moment of his return. If there were two 
Kukratides, those coins belong to the second. 

We have before this, doubted the existence of Eukratides II, 
as far as it was inferred from the coins. We have now to exa- 
mine the passages of authors adduced in his favour. According 
to Bayer’s assertion, Eukratides is spoken of in a way unsuited 
to the victorious king of this name; he thinks, that the son 
had put to death his father, because he protected the Parthians, 
who assisted him against Demetrius. But all that we learn 
concerning the relations of both empires, never shows a friendly, 
but on the contrary an entirely hostile intercourse. We will 
not lose our time in conjectures as to the motives of that crime. 

The passages which are said to afford the argument mentioned, 
are the following :—Strabo x1, 9, 2. apeiAovro (the Parthians) 
dé Kal TNC Baxrpiavne pépoc Biacapevor trove ZKvGac, Kal ere 
7 pOTEpoV rove TEpl Evuxparicav. 

This passage must be explained by the statement, above men- 
tioned, that the Parthians had deprived Eukratides of two of the 
Bactrian Satrapies, Turiva and the Aspiones ; they afterwards took 
from the Scythians either this or another northern part of the 
Bactrian empire ; they took it therefore from the very same Scy- 
thians, who under Euthydemos already threatened an irruption 
into Bactria, and who must afterwards have found an opportu- 
nity of invading this country. Why might not Mithridates VI. 
have availed himself of the siege of Eukratides by Demetrios, in 
order to subdue the Turanian Satrapies? Beyond this passage 

738 Lassen on the History traced . (No. 104. 

there is no mention whatever of Eukratides, and we are evident- 
ly not necessitated to adopt two kings of this name. 

It remains to ascertain the mode of the downfall of the 
Bactrian empire. It is ordinarily ascribed to the Scythians, 
according to Prolog. Trog. Pom. xu1. “ Deinde quo repug- 
nante Scythe gentes Sarance, et Asiani Bactra occupavere, et 
Sogdianos.” But it is not borne in mind, that while Mithridates 
reigned in Parthia, the Scythians had not power sufficient to en- 
able them to advance southwards; under Arsakes VII. indeed, 
or Phrahates II, who was killed by the Scythians, this conquest 
of Bactria by them may have occurred, whether Arsaces himself 
or another Greek king, who re-established himself in Bactria, be 
understood under the term of the epitomator: “quo repugnante.” 
I say who re-established himself, as it is certain, that Mithridates 
the Great, had before taken possession of the Bactrian empire, 
and governed it till his death. ‘* Bactriani, per varia bella jactati, 
non regnum tantum, verum etiam libertatem amiserunt, siqui- 
dem—ad postremum ab invalidioribus Parthis, veluti exangues, 
oppressi sunt”. The term “weaker,” refers to the remark Justin 
had previously made, that the Parthians were in the beginning of 
their power much weaker than the Bactrians. Mithridates 
therefore is the real subverter of the Bactrian empire. 

There exist some passages on the conquests of Mithridates 
towards Bactria and India, but they require a critical examina- 

According to Diodorus,* who perhaps imagined that king to 
have taken possession of the Indian dominion of Eukratides, he 
conquered the empire of Porus. Independently of the little 
authority of Diodorus, Porus was considered since Alexander’s 
time as a mere representative of Indian sovereignty, generally 
speaking, and it must depend upon other passages, whether those 
words mean any more, than that Mithridates extended his power 
in that direction. Of much less weight is Orosius, a still later 

* Fragm. ed. Bip. X. p. 91. 9’ Apoakne o BaowWsv¢ tHv Baotrztav 
émt mAciov nuénos. péxpe yap tne Ivducne cuatetvac, tHe vTo 

TOU IIwpov yevomevnc Xwpac EKuplevaev aKkivouvwe. 

1840.) From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 739 

authority ; (V. 4) “ Omnes preterea gentes, que inter Hydaspem 
fluvium, et Indum jacent, subegit Mithridates, ad Indiam quoque 
cruentum extendit imperium.”’ Orosius was possessed of a laud- 
able piety, of no great understanding, and rather of a passion for 
rhetorical flourishes, than of any desire to attempt critical exact- 
ness. What were the many nations between the Hydaspes 
and the Indus, and what were they in comparison to the great 
empires Mithridates possessed ? The only exact authority, 
that of Trogus, certifies merely that Mithridates’ dominion ex- 
tended to the Indian Caucasus. Justin x1. 6. “ Imperiumque 
Parthorum a monte Caucaso, multis populis in ditionem redactis, 
usque flumen Euphratem protulit.’”’* 

If Mithridates had reigned to the south of the Hindookoosh, 
coins of him would also have been discovered in the rich mine 
at Beghram, moreover the continuance of the Grecian empires 
in Cabul and about the Indus, discourages this opinion. 

We have above attributed to the Parthians the overthrow 
of the Greco-Bactrian empire ; the time of this event may be 
determined with tolerable exactness; Justin xxxvi. 1, says of 
Demetrios Nicator. ‘ Bellum Parthis inferre statuit, cujus ad- 
ventum non inviti Orientis populi videre, et propter Arsacidz 
regis Parthorum crudelitatem, et quod veteri Macedonum im- 
perio assueti, novi populi superbiam indigne ferebant. Itaque 
quum et Persarum, et Elymaeorum, Bactrianorumque, auxiliis 
juvaretur, multis proeliis Parthos fudit. Ad postremum tamen, 
pacis simulatione deceptus, capitur, etc.’ This captivity hap- 
pened during the year 140 8. c. and as Mithridates died only a 
few years after this event, and as to him is expressly ascribed 
the conquest of Bactria, this must have occurred about the year 
139 s.c. In the foregoing passage, Bactria appears then, for 
the last time, as an independent empire in alliance to the Seleu- 

* The same is stated in an account, which, though of a later date, is 
derived from good authority. Acct. Sancct. ad XXX. Sept. vol. VIII. 3 20. 

Ta 0 ’ >? , , ” A ~ ~ ~ TI 
apUou ev evTuyxta peylory OVTEC Kal KpaTovrtec tc Tw ITep- 
~ ’ Ae ke , h Vege ~ ~ , rg 
cwv BactAslac Kal Appevioy kat Ivdov twv yervalovtwy roic 

e 7 , ~ ~ 
ewore [lgpoare, ere O& Tw okAnporatwy Macoaystwr. 

740 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. 

cides against Parthia, whether it were under a son of Eukra- 
tides, or a successor of this king. As Elymais and Persis alone 
are mentioned, and not Drangiana and Arachosia, the inference 
may be admitted, that the two latter empires were already oc- 
cupied by the Parthians.* 

One datum only for the more early Bactrian history, may still 
be derived from extant authors, the accession of Kukratides. 

According to Justin, Eukratides ascended the throne at the 
same time with Arsaces VI.; but the statements and opinions 
on this very point are unfortunately very uncertain. Bayer upon 
his investigations places the commencement of the reign of both 
about 181] B. c. 

According to Visconti, Mithridates’ accession occurred 165 
B. Cc. (Bayer p. 86, Visc. Iconogr. 111. 70) Here are indeed to 
be found reasons for the probability only of the fact, and they 
apparently are in Bayer’s favour. We perhaps fall into the less 
error of the two by adopting the medium between both dates, 
175 B. c.t The first expeditions against India under Euthy- 
demos, his death, the foundation of an independent king- 
dom by his son Demetrios, the expulsion of the Euthyde- 
mides from Bactria, either by Eukratides, or by a predecessor 
of his, all those events must be assigned to the years 200 

* Bayer (p. 90) has thoroughly reviewed a difficult passage of Orosius 
referring to this place. 

+ Mithridates’ accession must not be placed too far down, as he died 
at an advanced age “gloriosa senectute,” and itis likely ascended the throne 
early. Another reason for the determination of the foregoing date, is 
that the war of Demetrios with Eukratides, must not be fixed at too late 
atime. The former, was at the conclusion of a peace between his father 
and Antiochus, a youth, about 20 years old. If he now fought in the 
55th year of his age with Eukratides for the possession of Bactria, this war 
happened 30 years after, 200 s.c. or 170. If our conjecture were correct, 
that Antimachos could only have acquired his empire in Drangiana and 
in its neighbourhood after the overthrow of Demetrios, this would be 
another confirmatory reason. It is not necessary to bring him in direct 
parallel with Antiochus IV. ; yet the commencement of his reign cannot be 
traced to a later period than 164, but rather to an earlier one; M. R. 
R. adopted the year 170. 

1840. ] JSrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 741 

—175 s.c. Between 175—140, according to our foregoing 
review of the facts, occurred the overthrow of Demetrios, the 
murder of Eukratides, and the reign of his son, or of his suc- 
cessors. All is here uncertain, save that the reign of Eukra- 
tides must not be extended too far, as he fell in the midst of his 
victorious career, and appears to have made only one campaign 
in India.* 

§ 16. 
The Scythians in Bactria. 

Kuthydemos mentioned to Antiochos as a reason for not over- 
weakening his power, that in this case he would not be able to 
repel the northern barbarians, and that Antiochos’ own provinces 
would run the risk of being inundated by the invading current 
of the barbarian hordes. (Polyb. x1, 34.) 

The Bactrian kings had in their palmy days possession of the 
country of the Scythians in two directions; to the east, beyond 
the Mustag, the provinces of the Phrunians and Seres, and on 
the north towards the Caspian the Satrapies of Turan, and ano- 
ther named after Aspiones. Mithridates had taken the latter, 
probably when Eukratides fought with Demetrios. 

Among the nations in warring with which the Parthian 
empire became exhausted, the Sogdians are mentioned ; they can 
hardly be Sogdians properly speaking, but rather the Saces, who 
had invaded Sogdiana; Strabo represents them as of that nation, 
_ when he says on the occasion of the great irruption of the Scy-- 
thians, that they had started from the country beyond the 
Jaxartes, “‘7n¢ Kata Zakac Kal Loydiavove, nv KaTEly ov Saka.” 

They are probably the same Saces from whom Mithridates 
took away a part of Bactriat occupied by them, and who alrea- 
dy so early as the days of Herodotus (vir. 64) bordered on 
Sogdiana, and whose name was given to all nomad tribes and 

* There will be found a great difference between my numbers and those 
given by Mr. Mueller (at 0. p. 218.) This is no place for a critical com- 
parison of both statements; I beg only to remark, that the reign of 20 
years (160-40) Mr. Mueller assigns to Eukratides in India, is as impro- 
bable as the reign of 40 years, generally ascribed to him. _ 

+ XI, Scyth. § 2. 

742 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. 

people of equestrian habits in Turan. They appear the fore- 
most in the series of invading hordes. 

The: great inroad of these nations is noticed in two passages. 
Prolog. 'Trog. Pompei xut1. “ Deinde quo repugnante Scythize 
gentes Sarance et Asiani Bactra occupavere, et Sogdianos.” 
Strabo x1. § 2. “ Madtora 8: yrwpior yeyovact To vouadwy ot 
rove” EAAnvac adpeAopevor THY Baxrpuavny,” Actor, kat Llactavoi, 
Kal Toyapor, Kal Lakapavror, Kal opunbevrec arto Tne Tepalac 
tov lafaprov, tng Kata Laxac Kal Loyduavove, nv KaTelyov 
Daca.” * 

If I now maintain, notwithstanding this latter passage, that it 
was not these Scythians, but the Parthians, who destroyed the 
Grecian empire in Bactria, the reasons are quite evident. The 
Scythians could not conquer it during the reign of Mithridates, 
and when they took possession of Bactria, the country was no 
longer under the dominion of the Greeks, but of the Parthians, 
as the irruption of the Scythians happened at the death of Phra- 
hates, about 126 B. c. 

Of the four nations mentioned by Strabo, we know nothing 
of the Pasians ; the Sakaraules seem to have been a separated 
tribe of the Saces ; the Tochares received their kings out of the 
nation of the Asianes. (Trog. Pomp-prolog. x11. “ Additae res 
Scythice, Reges Thocharorum Asiani, interitusque Sarducha- 

We have then more particularly to deal with two nations, 
with the Saces and Tochares. 

The gradual progress of these nomads over eastern Iran, can 
be traced in the Parthian history; having been taken into pay by 
Phrahates against Antiochus of Sida, they arrived too late. Asnow 
they received no compensation whatever, and they wereledagainst 
no foe, they commenced plundering the Parthian provinces, and 
Phrahates fell in a battle against them, 126 B. c. (Justin xx11. 1.) 
This year is the real date of the Scythian inroad. The next 
king of the Parthians, Artaban, 11. (Arsaces vi11) we find 
again engaged with the Tochares, and dying of a wound receiv- 

* The following words kat tov Aawy k. tT. X. does evidently not 
further refer to this subject. 

1840. ] Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 743 

ed in this war.* His son Mithridates fought again, and with 
more success, against the Scythians. Under his reign com- 
menced the struggle of the Parthians against Rome, and sup- 
posing the Scythians up to that time able to maintain them- 
selves in Bactria and Sogdiana, they were then doubtless at 
full liberty to assume unrestrained dominion. Nor do we find, 
that the Parthians attacked them any more. Sanatroikes, 77 
B. C., is placed on the throne by the Scythians, viz. the 
Sakaraules ; as was the case with Phrahates IV. when expelled 
by his subjects, in the year 37 B. c. ¢ 

Ancient writers do not give us the whole detail of the Scythian 
settlement in Bactria, nor do we know the name of any of their 
kings, any more than the manner in which they divided among 
themselves the conquered provinces. Only one notice which 
is in fact important, has been preserved ; Isidor of Charax, says, 
(p. 9) "EvrevOev Saxacravyn Laxwv TKvev, » Kat [parraxnvn. 

We observe, as the Saces were the foremost of those nomades, 
so did they advance farthest to the south and west ; they had 
occupied the Drangian Praitakene, while the Tochares, under 
the Asianian kings, settled themselves perhaps nearer to the 
eastern and northern frontier. t 

We must not here neglect receiving such illustrations as we 
are offered by Chinese authorities on the emigration of these 
Scythians, although the author of this treatise could not direct- 
ly compare those authorities, and is aware of the confusion 
caused by Chinese misconstruction of names. But these ac- 

* I. C. xu. 2. As the Thochares are distinguished from the Scythians, 
these latter appear to be the Sakaraules. Scythe, depopulata Parthia, 
in patriam revertuntur. Sed Artabanus bello Thogariis (sic) illato, etc. 

¢ I. C. xu. 5. Appian. Mithrid. 104. 

{ A Median Paraitakene was between Persepolis and Ecbatana, Arrian. 
Anab. m1, 19. Ptolm. v1, 4. Diodor. x1x. 34. Strabo xvi, init. Beside 
this a Sogdian town of the same name, Arrian rv, 21, which was also 
named Gabaza and Babakene. Curtius vin, 14, 17. Zmpt. eastwards of 
Karatag towards the lofty Belurtag. Thirdly, that above mentioned between 
Drangiana, Cabul, and Arachosia. Ptolemy calls it Tatakene, perhaps 
country of the Tatas? v1, 19. In Paraitakene lies the old Persian Paruta, 
hill, these hills are the Kohistan of modern Persian geography. 

744 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. 

counts however afford the great advantage of having originated 
with a nation, which had entered upon various relations with 
those Scythians, and was informed by embassies of their cir- 
cumstances.* . | 

These accounts however require a critical examination in va- 
rious points, and even here, though only limiting myself to the 
most remarkable facts, I cannot quite omit this task. 

The Yuetchi, a nomad tribe of inner Asia first appear in 
the upper Hoangho, whence they are repelled by the growing 
power-of the Hioungnus; one sept called ¢he Uittle, turn south- 
wards to Tibet ; the larger division bearing the name of the 
great, set out farther westwards to the countries beyond the 
Jaxartes; this event happened in the first half of the second 
century before our era.t This division originally consisted of 
five hordes. 

In the country recently occupied by them, they fall in with 
the people of an earlier emigration, called the Szus, Sais, Ses, 
also nomades under some petty chiefs. This tribe is forced to 
retire further west, and as the Yuetchis conquered new pastures 
on the borders of the Ili, the Szus must have been removed to 
the Jaxartes. In these Szus the Saces have been long ago 
recognized ; this corresponds with the fact, that the Saces had 

* The most important facts are already put together by De Guignes : 
“Sur quelques événements qui concernent l’histoire des Rois Grecs de 
la Bactriane et particuliérement la destruction de leur Royaume par les 
Scythes, etc” in Mémoires de l’Academie Royale des inscriptions et belles 
lettres. Tome XXV. II. p. 17. Abel Remusat has supplied information of 
this kind in some writings, viz. in the “ Récherches Tartares,” in his 
‘«‘ Mélanges,” in his “ notes to Foé Koue Ki’. Klaproth in the “ Tableaux 
Historiques de ]’Asie.” It is true, great mistakes have been pointed out 
in the work of De Guignes with respect to his interpretation of Chinese 
names; but he is not prepossessed, as his successors are, by the monoma- 
nia of recognising in the Chinese accounts German tribes in inner Asia, as 
Goths, Getes, Jutes, Juetes, Jits, and Jats. The reading Yweti instead 
Yuetchi, originates in this visionary idea, and the Russian Sinolog, father 
Hyacinth, who was not acquainted with this beautiful discovery, quietly 
continued writing Yuetchi. 

+ De Guignes, p. 21. Klaproth, p. 57. p. 132. Rémusat to Foé K. 
p. 83.- The year 163 s. c. is mentioned. 

1840. | JSrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 745 

already, before the destruction of the Parthian empire, taken 
possession of a part of Sogdiana. This era likewise agrees with 
the fact above mentioned, that the Sogdians had contributed 
their share in weakening the power of the Bactrian empire ; this 
event must therefore have happened in the latter days of Eukra- 
tides, or in the time of his successor, posterior to 160 B. c. 

- The Yuetchis remained not long in the possession of their 
new country ; another nation, the Ousun, flying from the 
Hioungnus, deprived them of those districts ; the Yuetchis 
ejecting the Szus, occupied the provinces possessed by them ; 
the Szus, pushed to the south, find an opportunity of taking 
possession of the country Kipin; the Yuetchis, following in 
their wake, take the country of the Tahia.* A Chinese general, 
Tchamkiao, accompanied this expedition of the Yuetchis, and. 
the well ascertained event occurred immediately previous to 
the year 126 B. c. 

This is the very year in which Phrahates was killed by 
the Scythians ; the Yuetchis and the Szus flying from them, 
are therefore the Tochares and Saces of western writers, whom 
Phrahates is reported to have taken into pay. These mercenaries 
were perhaps at first the Szus, and we indeed find Artaban 
opposed to the Tochares. Whether the Szus were driven into 
Bactria, according to the Chinese account, or called into that 
country as according to Justin, both statements may be right as 
regards their immediate narrative. Phrahates wished to avail 
himself of the Scythians, pressed into his neighbourhood, to 
strengthen his army. While Mithridates, “ ultor injuriz paren- 
tum,” arrested for some time, it appears, the progress of those 

The Yuetchis divided the conquered districts according to the 
number of their hordes, into five parts; they had the country 
of the Asi, or Ansi, whom De Guignes reads Gansi, as their 
western frontier ; it is as appears probable correctly interpreted 
as the country of the Parthians.t 

* De Guignes, p. 22. p. 23. KI. p. 133. Rém. p. 83. 
+ Rém. p. 83. De Guign. p. 23. KL p. 133. 

746 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. 

Turning to the Szus who had conquered Kipin, we have already 
defined generally the situation of this country, which will become 
still clearer from the reports on the Szus. (De Guign. p. 29.) 
The country Kaofu, it is said, is very extensive; the inhabi- 
tants resemble the Indians in manners, and character, being 
rather mercantile, than warlike. Previous to their latter subjec- 
tion under the Yuetchis, one part belonged to the Indian kings, 
another to the Ansi (Parthians) ; a third to the kings of Kipin 
(viz. the Szu-sovereigns of his account). Hence it clearly appears, 
that Kipin is the country in the west of Cabul below the Kohi 
Baba to the westward. Combining with this, the statement that 
. Sakastane received its name from the Saces, we find, that the 
Kipin of the Chinese is the country of the western Paropamisus, 
the pastures of which are moreover occupied by a Mongolian 
tribe of nomades, the Hezarehs.* ‘ Kipin” however is a poli- 
tical not a geographical term, and may on occasion also em- 
brace portions of Cabul, Arachosia, and Drangiana. 

What the Chinese mention of the productions of art in this 
country, as silks, gold, and silver vessels, refers of course to the 
dexterity of the subjugated inhabitants, or those articles were 
imported by trade. A notice of much importance, is the 
following, that they struck gold and silver coins ; on the obverse 
the efiigy of a horseman, on the reverse, of a man.t 

As the Chinese had commercial intercourse with the empire 
Kipin, the names of some kings are mentioned. During the 
reign of the emperor Woo-ti, (died 87 8. c.) Utolao (or 
Ontheoulao) reigned in Kipin. His son was killed by a certain 
Inmoffu, who usurped the throne 30 8.c. Kipin is still spoken 
of at a much later time, but it is not noticed, whether. it 
continued under its kings from the people of the Szus ; this is, 

* To this passage refers the misplaced and apparently absurd remark 
with Steph. Deurb. 5. v. “Apaywota, 7oAtc ovk arwhsv Masoay- 
ETWD. How comes Arachosia to the country of the Scythes ? However, 
the Scythes are meant possessing Kipin. 

+ De Guign. p. 25. He knew of the Eukratides’ coins only those with 
the type of the Dioscuri, and referred this notice to them. 

7) te eS re. Pine" Meee < ok te 

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 147 

however, improbable, as it is stated, that the Yuetchis took 
afterwards possession of this country likewise.* \ 

Now leaving the Szus for the present, we will recur to lech, 
when in the progress of our research we have to consider the 
countries south of the Caucasus. 

The Ansi, having their abode to the west of the Yuetchis, 
were a powerful nation with many towns; they had gold and 
silver coins, bearing on the obverse the image of the king, on 
the reverse a male figure. When a king died, his successor 
struck new coins. The Ansi wrote on hides, in horizontal lines 
(not in vertical, as the Chinese), carried on an extensive trade, 
and had conquered many countries.t| De Guignes justly com- 
pares the constant type of the more ancient coins of the 
Arsacides with the portrait of the king, and the reverse of a 
Parthian bending a bow. 

But how to explain the fact, that the Chinese term the same 
people Yuetchis, while the Greeks call them Tochares. Who are 
the Tahias ? who the Ousuns? De Guignes, with whom I agree, 
holds the latter as the Asiani; they may have given kings 
to the Yuetchis, in the same manner as so many Turkish hordes 
stood afterwards under the dominion of the successors of Gengis 
Khan. The Tahias are taken for the Dahes, the Aaat, and the 
Yuetchis on their irruption into Sogdiana must have indeed met 
with tribes of this people.{ When it is said, however, that the 
Yuetchis conquered all the countries of the Tahias, the Dahes had 
either spread themselves over Bactria to the southward, or the 
name of the country first conquered was transferred to those 
afterwards subjugated. 

The name Tochares afterwards occurs with the Chinese under 
the form Thuholo, as they could not otherwise express it.6 We 
still recognize Tocharestan, which has received the name from 
them. But it need not be the same people ; the Tochares of our 

* De Guign. p. 27. Hyacinth in Ritter’s “‘ Erdkunde” VII. 682. etc. 
+ De Guign. p. 28. 

t According to Strabo XI. Scyth. § 2. Kat rwv Aawy ou pev 7 pooayo= 
pevovrat Amapvot, ot d2,=avMor, ot oe, Tliscovpot. 
§ Neumann. Asiat. Studien. I, 179. 

748 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. 

time are Turks; for I think I may venture the conjecture, that 
this name in the Perso-Indian languages denoted the inhabitants 
of the cold snowy table land of the Belurtag ; this nation may 
therefore have had the name of Yuetchis, or a similar one, and 
yet have been called Tochares, by the Bactrians, as they arrived 
from those snowy districts.* 

Following the farther fate of the Yuetchis in Bactria, there 
afterwards appears a king named Khieout-Sieouhi, who uniting 
the other hordes, makes war on the Parthians, takes Kaofu 
from them, then also conquers Kipin, and Hantha; but he 
more likely took Kipin and Kaofu from the Szus. Klaproth 
places this event in the year 80 B. c.; Rémusat in the first 
century of our era; De Guignes 100 years after their first settle- 
ment in Bactria, therefore 26 years B. c.; so likewise does an 
anonymous translation of Chinese history.t The Chinese ac- 
counts certainly correspond, and we owe this pleasing incertitude 
only to our European chronicles. We hope to be excused 
ascribing the greatest negligence to our countryman, Klaproth. 
But we must continue; Khieout-Sieouhi is said to have died 
aged 80 years. His son Yenkaotching (the commencement 
of whose reign, would therefore have been about 30 A. D.) 
conquered India, advancing far to the south and to the east. 
The Yuetchis having become powerful, waged a war even 
against the Chinese under their governor Pantchao, in the 

* Tushara, and with the pronunciation kh for sh, tukhara, denotes in 
Sanscrit snow, ice, frost, and so is named in the old Indian geography 
a people in the north of the Hindookush. A king of Kashmir, of the 
family of the Thuholos, 600 years after Buddha, (therefore 56 a. p.) 
is mentioned by the Chinese Buddhists ; this was long before the Chinese 
knew Thuholo, and a proof, that the Yuetchis, to whom this king 
must have belonged, were named Zukhara in India. The Yuetchis however, 
or a neighbouring people of them in India, are also called Turushka, since 
Kanishka is said to have belonged to this nation, 500 years after Buddha. 

Tt De Guign. p. 27, who read Tata instead of Hantha, Klaproth. p. 133, 
has Pouta; Rém. p. 83. Hantha. As. Trans. vi. p. 63. ‘‘the Chinese general 
Chang-keen (Tcham-kao) was sent as ambassador to the Yuetchi 
by the emperor Woote (s. c. 126.) And about a 100 years after, a prince of 
this nation subjected the Getes in Kophene (Szu in Kipin) and India was 
again subjugated by the Yuetchis.” 

1840. | Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 749 

westerly tributary provinces of China; this was carried on in 
Khoten, in the year 98 a. D., and gave occasion for the dis- 
covery of the Caspian Sea.* Yenkaotching is however not said 
to have made this war, and it is very improbable, that he did so, 
as it occurred between the years 75-98. 

The greatest power of the Yuetchis obtained therefore in the 
first century of our era. The father, Khieoutsieouhi, had engaged 
in hostilities with the Parthians ; if this were the same in which 
Prahates IV. expelled Tiridates by the assistance of the Scythi- 
ans (Justin xLi1. 5,) it commenced about the year 40 B. c., 
and his son would be more correctly placed in the years begin- 
ning from 20 or 25 a. p.f 

The power of the Yuetchis continued to the third century.t 
After this time it was weakened by new hordes of northern bar- 
barians. Still however their empire maintained itself; and Chi- 
nese history in the beginning of the fifth century makes mention 
of a king Kitolo, who again undertook an expedition against 
India. India appears therefore meanwhile to have been taken 
from the Yuetchis. Kitolo is said to have conquered Balkh, 
Gandhara, and five other provinces. According to others, 
Kitolo’s son founded the empire of ‘“‘ The Little Yuetchis” in 
Foeleoucha ; here is some confusion, at least in the translations.§ 

Let us now sum up these facts. First, we have an empire, 
founded in Kipin by the Saces, commencing about the year 
126 s.c. This may have maintained itself till the Yuetchis 
advanced southward, therefore almost to the beginning of our 
era. It embraced a part of Cabul, and we must hereafter ex- 
amine, whether their kings did not also reign on the borders of 
the Indus. 5 

Secondly, an empire of “‘'The Great Yuetchis,” or Tochares, 
in Bactria and Sogdiana, divided into separated hordes, to the 

* De Guignes, p. 30. Remusat, Remarques sur |’extension de l’empire 

Chinois, p. 120. Mr. Ritter, Erdkunde VII, p. 554. has translated Rému- 
sat’s term 75 a. p. by 75 B. c. 

+ De Guignes, p. 28. But he certainly makes an improper use of this 

t DeG.p. 31. R. to F. p. 83. KIL. p. 133. As. Trans. VI. 63. where the 
year 222 a. p. is stated. 

§ De G. p. 31. R. to F. p. 84, KL. p. 134. 5 

9 C 

700 Lassen on thé History traced [No. 104. 

year 40 B. c., and limited to the north of the Caucasus, thence 
conquering to the south of the mountains, Kipin, Kandahar, 
Cabul, including a large portion of India. The subversion of 
this empire coincides with the accession of the Sassanians. 

Thirdly, the empire of “ The Little Yuetchis’” in Gandhara 
and India, at the commencement of the fifth century. 

It is uncertain, whether we still have coins belonging to the 
Yuetchis, whose dominion was only in the north. We could 
only be inclined to assign to them those having on the reverse a 
horse, and not Cabulian legends. 

Kuthydemos and Eukratides as sovereigns of Bactria, famous 
for the fine breed of its horses, appear to have likewise adopted 
this symbol on their coins. And supposing even that coins with 
elephants belonged to the earlier period of the Yuetchis, we 
must ascribe this to the fact, that some of their hordes boasted 
of having penetrated to India. 

Numismatology apparently profits us more for the history of 
the Scythians in the south of the Caucasus ; but we must first 
take up again the thread of the Greek dynasties. 

§ 17. 

Greco-Indian empires. 

We first cali to mind, that the campaigns of the Greek kings | 

from Bactria against India, can have but commenced about 

200 B. c; that they originated with Euthydemos or his son De- | 
metrios, and were directed against the power of the kings of | 

Palibothra, the descendants of Chandragupta. This latter asser- 
tion must be more exactly detailed. 

We know from ancient writers, that Chandragupta in his _ 
conclusion of peace with Seleucos Nicator acquired parts of | 
Gedrosia, Arachosia, and of the country of the Paropamisades, — 
and that their friendly relations continued under the sons of both — 
kings, Amitrajata and Antiochos Soter.* The third king of the | 
Indian dynasty, Dharmazoka, is a name very celebrated with 

* De Pentap. Ind. p. 44. Zeit-schrift fuer die Kunde des Morgen- 

landes i. 109. 


1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. jol 

the Buddhists, because he afforded a general patronage to their 
religion, a fact now undoubtedly confirmed, as the inscriptions 
are decyphered, by which Azdka throughout his whole empire 
invited the adoption of the doctrines of Buddha.* 

We may therefore rely upon the statement in the Buddhist 
annals, that Dharmazoka enjoyed a long, peaceful reign during 
the years 260—219 B. c. 

To corroborate the fact, that the dominion of Azdka, like 
that of his predecessors, extended to the Caucasus, it may be 
mentioned, besides the absence of reports stating the contrary, 
that the Chinese pilgrims also met with in the valley of the Panjhir 
monuments erected by Azéka for the glory of his religion.t 

As another confirmation may be adduced the circumstance, 
that Antiochus in the year 205 renewed the confederacy with 

the king of the Indians, which could be only the case with a 
king of the Maurja-dynasty of Palibothra.t The king then 
_mentioned, Sophagasenos, appears to be a son of Azdka.§ 

_ Contrary to this opinion, the successor of Azéka is named 
 Sujazas (“of good renown’’) in the Brahmanic genealogies ; but 
we can hardly be deterred by this from comparing him with 
_Sophagasenos (Subhagasena, “ of the victorious army’’||) as 
these kings even publicly substituted their titles of honour for 

* As. T. VI. p. 472. 791. 
| + Foé K. K. p. 395. 

t Also this name was known to the Greeks ; see the interpretation of 
| the word Mwpuetc in my Pracrit grammar, p. 247. 
| § Zeitschr. I..110. 
| || M. de Schlegel, Ind. Bibliothek I. p. 258. The Chinese traveller 
Fahian also proves, that the son of Az6ka reigned in Gandhara, Foé 
_K. p. 67. If Rémusat has correctly translated the Chinese word “ Fai,” 
the Buddhists have called him “ Dharmavardhana.” The son of Azdka, 
who also reigned in Kazmira, is called Ial6ka in the annals of the country, 
_ (Raj. Tarang. I. 107) a reading, which is hardly correct. Itis evident from 
_ the succeeding verse, in which is certainly a play on the word Jazas, fame, 
that in the former text, this word also occurred in his name. He 
is said to have cleared the country from invading barbarians. At the 
/same place, p. 115. His successor is a king of another family. From 
_these traditions I shall only retain, that inroads of barbarians are menti- 
/oned immediately after AzOka, and that with his son the empire of 
| the kings of Palibothra in Kazmira found its termination. 


752 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. 

their original names, as Azéka styles himself Pijadasi on the 


The successor of Sujazas, Dazaratha, is confirmed by the 

inscriptions in the Buddhist temples at Gaja, in Magadha,* 

I think it is by no means a rash attempt to connect these — 
Indian reports with our investigations. Thence would result — 
the following arrangement, viz., that Sujazas, who must have © 
died at the commencement of the second century B.c. if he — 
had reigned twenty years (on this we have no information), is _ 
the very same Palibothrian king with whom Antiochus renew- — 
ed the confederacy; secondly, that the barbarians, who under — 
his reign invaded India, are the Bactrian Greeks themselves ; — 
and, thirdly, that he or his successor, despite of Indian accounts ~ 
to the contrary, was expelled by them from the westerly pants i 

of his empire. 

From our previous inquiry, it was evident, that Demetrios — 

undoubtedly reigned in Arachosia, and thence more westward ; 

whether his rule extended in an easterly direction, was left un- _ 
certain. We must now, however, appropriate to Agathokles 
also a share in the first expedition of the Bactrians against India, 
for by the beautiful execution of his coins he is coeval with De- 
metrios; he claims a purely Indian country as his dominion, 
and especially eastern Cabul; lastly, by the adoption of the old 
Indian letters he shows, that he succeeded in these provinces _ 
the kings of Palibothra, who used the very same alphabet. Nor 
do I know how Agathokles can obtain any other classification 
either at a later or earlier period, unless immediately before 
Eukratides and coeval with Demetrios. I shall not waste our | 
time by conjecturing in what relation they stood together, how _ 
Agathokles commenced his career, and whether he belonged to 

the family of Euthydemos, or not.t 

* This also is a discovery, made by Mr. Prinsep, As. Trans. VI. p. 677. 
+ It might even be maintained, that by a confusion in the catalogues 
of names, Agathokles had been received as Sujazas into Indian history, 
as both words*denote the same, and as both kings, according to the 

comparison of facts, above given, would be of the same period. It is evi- 
dent, that we have not to recognise the Indian king on the coins, because — 

a — <<. > . 
— = ies 

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coimse {93 

Pantaleon, with whom this Greco-Indian empire terminated, 
must have succeeded Agathokles, whom I therefore hold as 
king of Nagara Dionysopolis. Both of them have only Indian 
letters on their coins, and with them too Dionysos disappears. 

If we thus have correctly determined the empire of Aga- 
thokles and Pantaleon, it must be one of the districts of which 
Eukratides took possession on his Indian expedition ; for after 
the victory over Demetrios, he carried his arms against the 
Indus and Hydaspes. We have already noticed, that he pro- 
bably did not reign there for a long time. 

I have above explained my idea, how by the division of 
Demetrios’ power the independent Grecian dominions of Dran- 
giana and Arachosia, referred to by historical authority, had 
been formed ; the Indian empire, mentioned by the same autho- 
rity, was, if not actually formed, yet first consolidated after the 
murder of Eukratides. At least the conjecture is natural, that 
the abhorrence of such a deed must render it easy to an enter- 
prising governor to find ready assistance in a revolt against the 
parricide. The first Greek king of this Indian empire was certainly 
Menandros, let the various dates given for his era and his ac- 
cession differ as they may from mine. Here conjecture must be 
set against conjecture, and I do not think myself the supposition 
sound, that Menandros may have acquired the title of deliverer, 
peculiar to this country, by delivering it from the hateful domi- 
nion of the son of Kukratides. 

On these three Indo-Grecian empires we may make the 
following conjecture. We assigned to Antimachos an empire 

he would have called himself in this case Sujazas, and not Agathuklajé. 
But if Agathokles deprived the Indian Subhagaséna of the provinces 
on the Indus, and in the catalogues of kings was mentioned as his 
cotemporary under the name Sujazas, he might be easily confounded with 
the name of the Indian king, especially as the son of Azdka had at 
least two names, a Brahmanical and a Buddhist, like his father, and 
perhaps his grandfather (Zeit-schrift I. 109.) This explanation is not 
quite satisfactory to me; the coincidence of both names, above mentioned, 
is however, hardly accidental; and it is scarcely an objection, that Panta- 
leon, who probably reigned but a short time, has not left a similar trace 
in the Indian annals; he must be looked for in Dazaratha, which is 

704 ; Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. 

in Drangiana, as here only a maritime victory, of which he 
boasts, can have taken place.* To this may be added the 
following :—The Chinese, by reporting, that the kings of Kipin 
represented a horseman on their coins, alluded probably them- 
selves only to the Scythian kings; these, however, had cer- 
tainly adopted the custom from their predecessors. 

As now Antimachos, as well as his successor Philoxenos, repre- 
sent themselves as horsemen, we venture to refer them to Kipin ; 
likewise the humped bull of the latter king alludes to Kipin. 
This country moreover is Sakastane, or Segistan of a later period. 

Antialkidest and his successor Lysias lay claims to having 
reigned in Cabul and in its neighbourhood ; if we have correctly 
interpreted the report of Justin, they must have possessed, 
besides Cabul, a part of Arachosia. 

Amyntas and Archelios must perhaps also be classed in these 
two kingdoms. | 

The empires founded by Antimachos and Antialkides, pro- 
bably existed but a short time; the first seems to have origi- 
nated at the death of Demetrios, the second after the murder 
of Eukratides. We can assign to them no longer existence than 
to the year 126 8. c., when the Saces settled themselves in 
Kipin ; and scarcely even to that period, as the Parthians had 
already taken possession of the Bactrian empire. In the pas- 
sage in which the last struggle of the Bactrians against the 
Parthians is mentioned, Elymeans are indeed only noticed 
besides Syrians, and no Drangians or Arachosians. The small 
number of royal names also corroborate this short duration. 

It would be too doubtful a measure to extend the use of 
Cabulian letters to Drangiana. 

* Mr. R. R. p. 18, thinks, he may have assisted Antiochus IV. on 
occasion of a victory over the Egyptians; but this appears hardly possible, 
even if he had reigned on the Indus. 

t Mr. Mionnet has published (VIII. 483, 520,) acoin of Antialkides, before 
unknown. Obverse: image of the king with the Causia, and the upper 
part of the Chlamys. Reverse: Jupiter seated, holding in his right hand a 
Victory with a Palm, in the left hand a spear, placed across the shoulders ; 
on the right hand near his seat an elephant, who holds a crown in its 
elevated trunk. Antialkides perhaps obtained the crown by his partici- 
pating in an Indian expedition. 


1840.9 From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 795 

Still we must here keep in view, that the alphabet on the 
coins, if indeed derived from the west, must have been im- 
ported to Cabul through Candahar and Drangiana, as it did not 
come to Cabul through Herat and Bactria. Besides this how- 
ever Antimachos and Antialkides may have imitated the exam- 
ple of Eukratides. 

The Greco-Indian empire of Menandros must have existed 
longer. The number of the names Menandros, Apollodotos, 
Diomedes, Agathokleia, Hermaios, renders the assumption neces- 
sary. I have proved it probable that this.line of kings was 
not encroached upon by the Parthians. The last coins, those 
of Hermaios, refer to the very same time, when expeditions 
against the Soter-dynasty may have been first planned by the 
Scythians. The widely extended empire of Menandros seems 
under Hermaios to have been limited to Beghram ; Menandros 
must have possessed a kingdom eastward of Cabul, if Antial- 
kides, as it appears, ruled then immediately after Eukratides. 
It would be, however, too bold to determine any thing concern- 
ing the mutual contests of these powers. 

From the great number of the Hermaios coins, it is not im- 
probable, that he either himself reigned long at Beghram, 
or that his dynasty continued there at least for some time ; 
in the mountain country, easily defended, a smaller kingdom 
might maintain itself with more ease for a longer time. If 
the relation Kadaphes holds towards Hermaios be correctly 
stated, the Grecian dominion was here overthrown by an attack 
from the north, i. e. from the country of Kapisa; the power of 
Kadaphes itself, however, appears to have been of no great im- 
portance or long duration. A greater Indo-Scythian kingdom, 
as for instance that of Azes, may have absorbed it. 

§ 18. 

The Saces, the Tochares, and Parthians in Cabul and India. 

We have above left the Saces in the country Kipin, where 
they settled themselves, about the year 126 8. c., while the To- 
chares, following them, roamed throughout Bactria, from whence 

706 Lassen on the History traced ' +  [No. 104. 

they, half a century afterwards, united in one power, and pene- 
trated beyond the Indian Caucasus to the southward. Looking 
for historical authorities of the further fate of the Tochares and 
Saces, I find, that they are brief and meagre, and it appears 
hardly possible to derive from them any certain results; they 
must however be examined. 

If the geographer Dionysios composed his poem as early as 
it is ordinarily apprehended, he would have been the first who 
made mention of the Scythians about the Indus. v. 1088. ‘Ivdov 

Eusthathius makes the just remark, that they were Indo-Scy- 
thians, as this name could not have been given them previously 
to their arrival in India. The era of Dionysios being however 
very uncertain, nothing can be inferred from his passage as to 
the time of the first advancement of the Scythians to the Indus. 

The Periplus of the Erythrzean sea, as well as Ptolemy, enable 
us to determine the extent of the Indo-Scythian empire, al- 
though this determination can only refer to a considerably later 
time than the first appearance of the Scythians on the Indus. 

Indo-Scythia embraces, with Ptolemy (vu, 1), the following 
provinces :—In the direction nearest to the south and the east, 
Surashtra or the Peninsula Guzerat ; then the delta of the Indus 
or Pattalene ; further the country Abiria,* situated above it; he 
includes in the Scythian empire a small district, and some towns 
on the eastern bank of the river; most of them lie however on 
the western bank. How far up the Indus the Scythian domini- 
on extended, is not quite evident ; but Artoartar, above held by 
us to be a Scythian town, is mentioned as situated in the near 

* This, and not Sabiria, is to be read, any more than Iberia in the 
Periplus. They are the Abhira of Indian geography. De Pentap. Ind. 
p. 28. The passage in Periplus p. 24, must perhaps be written : Tavrne 
Ta OF pey pecoryeva tne =Kviac "ABnpta KaAgirat, Ta Of Tapa= 
Baracoa Zvvpacrpyyvn for T[Bnpia, cadeirar de ra kK. 7. AX. 

The delta of the Indus is ascribed to the Scythians in the following passage 
of the Periplus, p. 22, on the emporium on the mouth of the Indus: 

TpoKettat O€ AVTOV YNolOY fLKPOV' Kal KaTA VwTOU pecoystoc 1 

METpoTOALc, auTne THE UKvObiac Muvvayap. BactAcverat O& YTO 
4 ~ » 

TlapOwv, svveywe addndove ExdwwKovrwy. 

es 9 eee ee ee Le eS. Se 

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 757 

neighbourhood of Peshawur. Hence it follows, that Indo-Scy- 
thia at that period, or rather a little earlier than Ptolemy, in- 
cluded Peshawur, the country on both banks of the Indus from 
Attock to its mouth, and Guzerat. The Punjab did not belong 
to it, as the Kaspireans occupied this province, as well as the 
country up to the Jumna and Vindhia,* neither did Barygaza. 
The mountains to Arachosia, and the desert on the eastern bank 
of the river form the other boundaries. 

It is therefore evident, that this empire is very small in pro- 
portion to what Azes claims on his coins. 

We rather have in the limited extent above stated, a dissolv- 
ed Indo-Scythian empire before us. The Periplus partly ex- 
plains this decline of the Indo-Scythian power by mentioning 
that the capital, Minnagar, was in the writer’s time in the pos- 
session of the Parthians, and that both nations continually 
expelled one the other. 

Let us now inquire into Parthian history, whether it yields 
us some illustrations. 

From our examinations, above effected, of the relations of the 
Parthians to the Scythians, it resulted, that since the arrival 
of the Scythians in Bactria and Segistan, to the year 37 B. c. 
no report shows that the Parthians had regained such ascen- 
dancy over the Scythians as to rise against them as conquerors. 
The same refers also to Artaban III. (died 41 a. p.), who more 
than once must have had recourse to the Scythians in the north. 
There is least of all any trace that Vonones I. during his short 
and troubled reign, may have made the conquest in the east, 
which we must ascribe to him, if the coins, above mentioned, 
belonged to him. | 

Of Bardanes (died 47) a successful campaign is mentioned 
against the Dahes. What we know of his successor Gotarzes 
(died 50) does not entitle us to attribute to him any new 
aggrandisement of the Arsacidian empire. Then come we to 
Vonones II. who reigned but a few months; after him to his 
son Volagases. His reign was a long and happy one,} and 

* pEeX pt Ov.vdiouv opouc and because Modovea n tov Oéwv 
therefore Mathura belonged perhaps to the Kaspireans. 
t 50---85, a. p. Visconti, Iconogr. III. p. 173. 

708 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104, 

though he was neither indolent nor of unwarlike disposition, 
yet he lived in peace with the Romans. It is therefore also on 
the authority, though only implied, of history, that we assign 
to his reign the conquests of the Parthians in Cabul, of which 
the coins with the names of Vonones and Volagases bear 
witness.* Nor do we think ourselves mistaken in tracing from 
this settlement in Cabul the Parthian irruptions into India, men- 
tioned in the Periplus. 

The circumnavigator of the Erythrzan sea tells also of thicgd 
inroads as an eye-witness, in which will be discovered another 
reason against placing him so low as the era of Augustus. 

Be it as it may, if Azes be taken for the successor of Vono- 
nes, and therefore of Volagases, he is placed in so late a period, 
that the close resemblance of his coins with Grecian patterns is 
quite inexplicable. Considering the extent of the countries 
which are under the sway of Azes, no other has a juster title to — 
be identified with him than the Yankaotching of the Chinese 
annals. ‘The time would correspond, as we have to look accord- 
ing to those accounts, for the flourishing power of the Yuetchis — 
just in the years 20—50. (a.c. ) . 

Two facts, however, are at variance with this view. First, the 
difference of the name, too palpable even for Chinese corruption — 
of sounds, and then, that of the coins. 

They are so closely allied to Greek types, that we must con- | 
nect Azes immediately with the Greeks, and in this case we 
must likewise expect coins of Indo-Scythian kings who preced-— 
ing Azes, existed between his time and that of the Greeks, 
and of this description we found only Mayes. Nor does our numis- _ 
matological guide, M. Raoul-Rochette doubt in the least as to 
this earlier era, and accordingly places him immediately after 
Hermaios (II. 42).+ | 

But if Azes reigned so early, he belonged to the Saces, ia ; 
not to the Bical This supposition is supported by the figure — 
of a horseman, which he adopts on his coins; for the equestrian 

* Lastly, Volagases I. has styled himself “the just,” as the Cabulian. 
Mionnet VIIT. 448. Vonones I. does not bear this epithet. 
tT 42. 

1840. | Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 799 

coins come from Kipin, where the Saces, and not the Yuetchis, 
had settled themselves. 

Now it is true we have not observed that the Saces as well as 
the Yuetchis have made any conquests in India; but it seems 
to follow, first, from the fact, that the empire of Hermaios ap- 
parently was on the eve of its destruction at the very time (120 
B.C.) to which we may assign the inroads of the Saces in India, 
immediately after 126 B. c.: secondly, because the capital of the 
Scythian empire of a later time, was named Min,* and as this 
name occurs in Sakastane itself, it must have come thence, and 
not by means of the Yuetchis to the Indus. It would be, lastly, 
implied in the Chinese chronology, if correctly translated,+ that 
the Yuetchis reconquered India; and before them, who but the 
Saces in Kipin could have conquered it? However little confi- 
dence we can put on these discussions, yet we must at once 
adopt the supposition, that the empire of Azes existed about 
100 B. c. . 

Azilises declared himself as successor of Azes ; as the Chinese 
mention two names of these kings of Kipin, we shall perhaps in 
time obtain coins of theirs, by which the era of Azes may be 
determined with greater certainty.{ The coins above described, 
can only be hypothetically taken for the coins of such successors 
of Azes. | 

If Azes, however, be considered as the founder of an empire 
of the Saces in India, either Kadphises or the nameless Soter- 
Megas, must be held as the great conqueror under the Yuet- 

Among them the king last mentioned appears to have most 
claims, in virtue of the remark, already made, that he seems 
to have founded a new dynasty, which was established from 
Bactria in Cabulistan and the Punjab, and again assuming the 

* Nagara, Sanscrit town ; Mwy weXte in Sakastane with Isidor, p. 9. 
De Pentap. Ind. p. 56. 

7 as. I: VI. p. 63. 

} I would even conjecture, that Ontheoulao was Azilises, if I were 
persuaded that the Chinese express a Z by th. They place him 87 s. c., 
and this statement is indeed in a striking manner corresponding with the 
place given by the coins to Azilises. 

760 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. 

name Soter of the Greek kings, maintained itself up to the pe- 
riod of the Parthian relations with India. 

The monogram of the nameless king, and the epithet of deli- 
verer, recurs as well on the coins of Kadphises as on those 
above described ; it occurs last on those of the Kanerkis. Azes 
has not this monogram ;* it seems therefore to be the mono- 
gram of the Yuetchis. In all of them are probably to be 
recognized successors of the nameless king of the Yuetchis, 
but it remains doubtful, how we have to place them before and 
after the Parthian epoch of those provinces, and whether they 
succeeded to the same throne, or reigned at the same time 
in neighbouring countries. 

Ptolemy’s description of Indo-Scythia, like that in the Peri- 
plus, shows asmaller Scythian empire on the Indus, together with 
which more than one kingdom may have subsisted in western 
Cabulistan. The author of the Periplus mentions besides those, 
an independent kingdom of the very warlike Bactrians (p. 27) ; 
the Yuetchis alone can be understood by this. These intima- 
tions point to a Scythian monarchy in a dismembered condition 
at the period to which they refer. 

We may assign Yndopherres with more confidence to the Par- 
thian period. On a general view we run no risk of ascribing 
Kadphises, the Parthians, and Yndopherres, to the last half of 
the first century (A.D.), but to give more exact definitions 
would be too dangerous. 

Lastly, the Kanerkis, who are allied to Kadphises, and who 
are the last of these leaders of hordes, probably belong to the 
commencement of the second century ; but they rather represent 
a new horde of the Yuetchis, advanced from Bactria, than a direct 
continuation of the former hordes, for they are distinguished 
from them, as well as Kadphises from still earlier tribes, by his 
position, represented as going in a carriage, while previously to 
him the Scythian kings were represented as horsemen. The 
Yuetchis are indeed said to have ridden in a carriage, however 
it is added, in one drawn by oxen. 

We have already observed, that the Chinese identified the end 
of the Powe of the Yuetchis in India with the beginning of the 

* KR. Rh. TL op. a6: 

1840.| -— from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 761 

Sassanians, and we have had no reasons to assign to the Kaner- 
kis a later period. If they be referred to a later date, they must 
be “the Little Yuetchis,” who founded a new empire in Gan- 
dhara in the fifth century, but such a great interval between 
Kadphises and the Kanerkis would hardly be admitted. 

Other monuments seem to belong to “ the Little Yuetchis,” 
on an examination of which we cannot however enter. The 
history, like that of the Sassanians in Cabul, of the white Huns 
in India, mentioned by Cosmos, and lastly of the Murundas, of © 
whom Indian inscriptions from the Sassanian time bear witness, 
would require new preparations far beyond the scope of this 

Here we shall therefore add only this, that Fahian being in 
the year 400 in these countries, mentions the power of the 
Yuetchis as having passed away (S. Foe. K. p. 766.) 

If we be not mistaken, the inquiry leads without compulsion 
to the probable result, that between the empire of Azes and the 
renewed power of the Scythians under the king of the Yuetchis, 
an interval took place in the dominion of the countries on the 
Indus. This has been already previously* deemed to be a 
corroboration of the Indian account, according to which the 
epoch of Vikramaditya, which commences with the year 56 B. c. 
was founded on the occasion of a victory over the Saces gained 
by this king. In this case Indian tradition, which may certain- 
ly adduce in its favour the use still existing, and to be traced 
to a very early period, of counting from that epoch, would be in 
perfect correspondence with what has been the result of our 
inquiry into the Scythian history. Vikramaditya reigning in 
Ujjajini, and therefore a direct neighbour of the Scythian empire, 
which under Azes extended to the boundaries of Malwa, would, 
on this supposition, have repelled the successors of Azes to the 
Indus. After Vikramaditya we hear nothing of the empire in 
Ujjajini, and this silence finds its explanation in the growing 
power, soon after the commencement of our era, of the 
Yuetchis, whose kingdom Ptolemy described as still extending 

* As. T. VI. p. 63. 

762 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104. 

on the Indus to Guzerat. By this power Malwa must accord- 
ingly have been confined to narrow limits.* 

It would be rather imprudent to venture any conjecture on 
the distribution of the countries on the Indus and Cabul among 

* Having given this explanation, I leave it to the judgment of the reader, 
whether there be a reason in the account of the Periplus, of the empire of 
the Indo-Scythians, to bring down, according to the view of M. K. O. Mueller, 
by some centuries, the epoch of Vikramaditja. If he takes the Vikra- 
maditja, now known to us by old Indian coins, for the real conqueror 
of the Scythians, his choice is evidently very unfortunate, as this 
king belongs to the dynasty of the Guptas in Kandje, contemporaneous 
with the Sassanians. If there be any correspondence in the accounts 
on Vikramaditja, it is, that he reigned in Ujjajini. I have already 
discovered a reference to the empire of Vikramaditja in the passage of 
the Periplus on the Ozene, viz. that the ancient royal residence was 
there (de Pentap p. 57), being at that time in a very declining state ; 
and I have no reason whatever to change my view there set forth. It 
is well known, that Vikramaditja afterwards became the hero of a great 
number of fabulous tales ; he has become the Carolus Magnus of Indian 
poetry, and is as far removed from firm historic ground as Carolus 
Magnus would be if we had to take our information of him merely from 
the chivalrous novels; but for Vikramaditja, save poetry, no prose, on 
chronicle, has been preserved to us. The early adoption of the epoch of 
Vikramaditja by the ancient astronomers, might be here of far greater 
importance than all those tales from which Wilford has endeavoured 
to construe a history of Vikramaditja, and of the second founder of an 
Indian epoch, Ialivahana. To render complete this confusion, it must 
be added, that the name was afterwards often adopted by Indian kings ; 
one of them seems even to have waged war with the Scythians. The 
annalist of Kashmir, who had, so to say, sufficiently respectable au- 
thorities, is doubtful whom of two Vikramaditjas he must take for the 
real Sakari (enemy of the Saces) Raj. Tar. II., 5. III, 125. He decides him- 
self on the second, (not to put down the epoch, which is clear to him) but 
because in order to follow the Cashmerian chronology for the Buddhist 
part of his history, he is necessitated to carry back some centuries all 
ancient dates, and even to admit afterwards a great gap in the series of 
the kings. Wemust therefore accede, contrary to the view of the annalist, 
to the opinion represented as the common one, in holding the first~ 
Vikramadijta as the founder of the epoch. It is now a curious fact, that 
between him and the second, the reigns numbered together, fill out 286 
years. The second reigning 236 a. pv. would coincide with the end of 
the Yuetchi empire and the commencement of the Sassanians, it is there- 
fore probably founded on a historic date, if the second Vikramaditja is 
likewise represented as fighting with the Saces. 

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 763 

the different dynasties of the Scythians and Parthians, as neither 
historic accounts assist us, nor are the coins so completely 
put together, and explained, that the several families can be 
properly arranged. This is perhaps a fact, that a frequent 
change of dynasties happened, and a speedy decomposition of 
the greater into smaller kingdoms. This fact is supported by 
the nature of those countries, the lawless manners of the nations, 
and the analogy of Turkish and Mogul history. 

Another part of the history of these Scythians is left in the 
dark. The Chinese annals describe to us the Yuetchis as zealous 
Buddhists, hence rises the question, whether there still exist 
with the Yuetchis monuments of this religion.* 

We can now take it for granted, that from Azdka’s period 
Buddhism was widely diffused through Cabul; the fathers of the 
Church also know the Samaneans in these countries ;+ and the 
Chinese pilgrims as eye-witnesses, speak, of the great number of 
Buddhist cloisters and monuments found there; Buddha images 
are likewise lately dug out in Cabul itself. There is accor- 
dingly no want of Buddhist monuments, but it is the question, 
whether we must attribute them to the Yuetchis. 

We must here refer to the coins, and one class of them, that 
of Behat, must indeed be considered as Buddhist. However 
it is only probable that those with duplicated legends belong to 
a Scythian dynasty, but to this are limited the Buddhist nu- 
mismatological monuments of the Yuetchi kings ; and of Azes, 
Kadphises, the Kanerkis, no really Buddhist coin has been 
discovered. It must therefore be left undecided, whether the 
Chinese reports did transfer to all Yuetchis what was only cor- 
rect to maintain as of a part of them.{ But while I must leave 
this point undecided, I am reminded at the same time that I 
have given all that from the examination of the coins appears to 

* Thus the passage, As. T. VI.63. At the period when all these king- 
doms belonged to the Yuetchi, the latter put their kings to death, and 
substituted military chiefs. They enjoined all their people to practise 
the doctrine of Fuh-too-chi. 

7 See my treatise, in the Rhenish Museum, for Philology, 1832. vol. I., p.171. 
{ From Professor Ritter’s book, the Stupas, etc. Berlin, 1838, which I 
received when printing my book, I fully understood his view on those 
monuments, and its reasons. I am sorry to say, that I cannot be persuaded 
into the Buddhist origin of the topes. I have already above separated 

764 Lassen on the History traced. [No. 104. 

me a certain or a probable result. The field of conjecture is 
already too richly cultivated, for me to add arbitrarily to what 
has been done therein. In conclusion, I shall sum up in a table 
the historic results of my investigation. I need hardly tell the 
reader, that although in the table the facts are placed together 
with apparent claim to equal authenticity, they occupy in the 
book itself, and in reality, all the different places which on a 
large scale are intermediate between certainty and conjecture in 
its various degrees, according to individual views. 
Separation of Bactria from Syria under, 

Theodotos I. soon before Se MS UE ee oe 
Theodotos II. his son and successor, 
EKuthydemos expels the family of Thicotlotes ae 

himself ascends the throne of Bactria 

before, a 209 

Concludes peace ail Sateen the 

Great, 205, makes conquests in Ariana 

and India after ..  .. 200 
Agathokles founds an empire in eastern Cabal, Be 190 
Demetrios succeeds his father in Bactria, about .. 185 
_ Eukratides takes possession of Bactria. Demetrios 

maintains himself in ae ae ih eres 
Pantaleon succeeds Agathokles, .. .. .. 170 
Kukratides dethrones Demetrios, and conquers the 

Indian empire of Pantaleon, about .. 165 

the inquiry into the nature of the topes, from the examination of the 
coins, and postponed it to another time ; I maintained at the same place, 
that as yet no Buddhist coins had been discovered in the topes. Mr. Ritter 
on the contrary states, that they are met with (p. 207). But he erroneously 
says, that Mr. Prinsep has recognised among the coins from Manikyala 
some Buddhist; in the passages quoted he certainly mentions nothing 
of this kind. Then continues Mr. Ritter (p. 238) “ As we now possess 
ascertained chronological determinations of the Buddhist religion in the Mo- 
kadphise’s, Kanerki’s, and Azes’ coins.” The four Buddhist coins alluded 
to by Mr. Ritter, occur As. T. III. pl. XXII. No. 28. till No. 32. They 
are coins of the Kanerki dynasty, therefore Mithra gods on Buddhist 
coins? Then III. pl. XXVI. No. 2, No. 3, IV. pl. XXII. No. 12, No. 13, or 
with him plate VIII. No. 2---4. Therefore Siva on the obverse, while 
Azes is represented as Buddha seated on the reverse? If Mr. Ritter does 
not know any other coins out of the topes which escaped my knowledge, 
1 shall not be necessitated to give up my previous assertion, which 
was here my only purpose to vindicate. 

1840. ] Strom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 

Foundation of a Grecian empire in Drangiana by 
Antimachos, about 

Murder of Kukratides by his son, about 

His son (Heliokles) succeeds him in Bactria, 
Antialkides founds an empire in Ara- 
chosia and western Cabul, Menandros 
a large kingdom in India, after 

Philoxenos succeeds in Drangiana, Lysias in Ara- 
chosia, afterwards Apollodotos in India, 
Archelios and Amyntas succeed in the 
western empires, 

Mithridates \. of Parthia conquers Dies Sie 

Destroys the Grecian-Bactrian kingdom, 

Succession of Diomedes, Agathokleia and Her- 
maios in the Greco-Indian empire to 

Inroads of the Saces and Tochares in Bactria 

The Saces occupy Drangiana, the Tochares Bac- 
tria, the Grecian empire of Hermaios 
subverted by Kadaphes about 

Great empire of the Saces under Azes after 

Azilises his son, succeeds about, 

Expulsion of the Saces from the Indus foie 
by Vikramaditya king of Malwa 

Dwwision of the empire of the Saces, 

Khieoutsieouhi unites the tribes of the Tonnes a 
conquers the possession of the Saces after 

Yeukaotching his son, makes great ines in 

India about ee 
Under Volagases conquests of the Parthians in  Gabal, 

and inroads into the countries on the ~ 

Indus, after : : Zs 
Kadphises’ empire on the Indus roti in upper 
India to the Ganges, the dynasty of 
the Kanerkis succeeds in his empire, 
Downfall of the Arsacians in Parthia, conquests 
of the Sassanians in Cabul; restoration 
of Indian power in Upper India by the 
dynasty of Kanoja, after .. .. «- 





116 8. c. 


40 B.C. 

20 A.D. 

766 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104. 

Paper on Ancient Land Grants on Copper, discovered in Assam. 
Communicated by Major F. Jenkins, Governor General’s Agent 
N. E. Frontier. 

A putter of three copper plates, joined by a large copper ring to 
a seal, containing within a raised rim a figure of Ganesh, was lately 
dug up near the station of Tezpore, in the Durrung division, and 
I have the pleasure to enclose a copy of the inscription. 

A similar grant of two plates was lately produced by a Brahmin in 
the Kamroop Courts, to substantiate a claim to some Lakhiraj lands ; 
at the time it was first brought up, there was no person in the pro- 
vince who could read the inscription, but having given to a Pundit 
the alphabets of ancient forms of Sanscrit writing, published by Mr. 
James Prinsep to illustrate his discoveries, he was soon able to make 
out the inscription. 

It was a grant of land as Burmuttur, by Durmpal, in the year* 
36, without any mention what era, to three Brahmins, and detailed the 
- boundaries of the grant. That inscription was not very legible, the 
letters in some places being much rubbed, but the letters in the present 
Putter are quite distinct, and I hope they have been correctly copied. 

The Dewali which was formed by this grant, viz. Maha Rudra 
Dewali, is still in existence, though in a very dilapidated state, and 
has given its name to the Mowza on which it stands. 

Of the extent of the country under the Pal dynasty on this frontier, 
or of any particulars of their family or history, I fear we are not likely 
to find any records in Assam. The only mention ofthe Pal Rajahs that 
I have met with, is a very ancient looking chronicle possessed by a 
Brahmin, the first leaf of which is apparently lost. It now begins 
thus :— 

His minister Sumati, 
Then follow the names of 
As being the Ra- { Khetrijetari, 
jahs or rulers of His son Subalik, 
‘‘ Burcherides,” Per-+ and seven names, ending in Narain, and after 

haps the present dis- | them is the name of Ramchandra, then inter- ; 

tricts of Chooteya, | venes the word, 
Chardoar, Noadoar, Jaintee, 
Chudoar. probably meaning the country we call Jain- 

teah ; and after it follows the names of the follow- } , 

ing Pals :— 
Japandu Pal, 
Hari Pal, 
Dhamba Pal, 
Ram Pal, 
Pakhya Pal, 
Chandra Pal, 

* Note. Capt. Jenxins had the kindness to send me subsequently the plates 
themselves, which were exhibited at a recent Meeting. 

H ‘ ee re, b> a 
a a pea ae 

1840. | Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 167 

Narain Pal, 
Amar Pal, 
Mantri Pal, 
Haina Pal, 
Syama Pal, 
Mactya Pal, 
See Pal, 
Gandha Pal, 
Madhrub Pal, 
Lahikya Pal, 
After these follow :— 
and others. 
These are the names given in page 117 of Prinsep’s Tables, but in 
a different order; but no further notice is taken of any of the 
Pal race. 
There is little doubt but these last named Rajahs were rulers over 
a part of the north bank, of which Beshnath was probably the centre, 
as some very extensive lines of fortification are universally attributed 
to them; and the Pals preceding them, notwithstanding the word 
Jaintee alluded to, were likely Rajahs over the same country. They 
may have been a branch of the family of Bupal, who reigned 
over a district of the empire formerly governed by their ancestors. 
The succeeding Rajahs were probably Chooteah Cocherees, who are 
supposed in Assam to have been of the Shan race. 


eafed sata unsarfararfaateaqay 
wit gadarfaaq tenet: faaauifcara: | aa aca 
aTqenitecafary: iu ayaa frarat at asta eae 
NAG | ate Braataa arcamacfad ey aca cfa 
aqaeiaiigrreea yfaagyt | afea: Guseaqect RAT 
watt ay BeCaTA Nal ata a fawer a Tal AITAIT 

768 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. — [No. 104. 

aanga Baaawsafasfaarged | faaanctfaaceaat — 
craagisat AVA YN qea aa ae ea guicrwaris | 
aged | wvsaifaarfacied ater aeeqaearee el) AAT 
aaa uaa fraran faattuaataegreaifants: | ws j 
ae AACA: TE TIS HAAAAA: wel a yea | 
qufergereenartarcrarg cetera: UTARAFTHAG: srett 
aaa: feaarestiaes ysittiaa fae lal 

AAAAAAT | TITAS: TATA faa faye: | 
ear: fyat wea a: TAMAS Lei wsARATST 
afufedt at fifeat wats foe: | watateta aa 
at at fasweanstiaaaeqaa: QU wR saafeaaTA aa ¢ 
Bera ae uftecs faut: | faecsqae eeeaaTeTa 
aqaraey | TalaaTT: | antenna tedamdysteayat : 
qaqa wy aTaamagate 3 xf ser TeIeA facia ; 
aanqaraaaeit: SAA AMAA A AAT AAA: 1p 
canarias: | await earafaayrataeal a: wile © 
SMa Sal Safa saatatfaura: ada wee Te 
fafuazaaarerfinafaafen ufacser aa afa ara | 
urate aaaTea ofa wer yn wae Uist aAATST 
waritedata | fearacrfad Safaereacunfaat inen fa 
franaqaiataanaata ena | aqzaa qriatfaan 
earattifafafacd ion afeeafcacarfeteaaae 

13840. | Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 769 

famaifaat | Fa CARTAN TAT Ca AAT II 
Vall aer KATIA THfcrafaaiie afetarar: | ata 
feat fasas: AAAATAA WAT TU say WE TTaTaeagi a 
fafaarrsifagat qay: 1 seated faite ata gtia 
Ata Faas: Rett dc faqe fequrarafed aaa feaetaly: 
| famaaeateaaeriaaa: gat: Fafas: eqn YURAB AA 

aa aca fewecentatiet 
Oi qa | wWeaweRadraqerMdaasaat BAT 
Parasite At FARA URR! aera (aa far eararal 
aawadiieenmnat wifeantaat aret w fea s 
. quad fora fa fanaa gaat fafaat amiaearfaqcfaact | 
- es NRsil aeaaPeadacanaTaraa fame: | 

Haag gaaAUATTATA | aA ay was 
aaa wactad fata quraate aqiefa wreaahifaca 
fi IRB SAMI BeMaTsatataa whut areal 
@ | Waa rss saceIT: Bacay SA Sa wifsat eae a 

NR aweatransafsatinaetecafaad aww | ve 
eacafan fang ufaaraafe swarmed 1 waa 
aura are ait faasgaaary fagssrat fuerte ta aasqTa 
fasarfieca riacufafacafarfazary awe fgneaae 
fqqeeeaesaMizdeansqeayefaareafacanT aa 
Heat fener erg cata aa feat yar ya aw eAA A 
qua faacafcaagefaafadaag vats Wea ae eaTA 
Pedwaanfywigusicaty wiwaareaqwag 

Fa, Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104, 

aqqaqaaraacaquddfataaaeuraaaiatsnanat Fh 
eqrearerme aeneaaiferanad cans faratfasars 

aaa TUTCA Aza fwaTHAOefHja gM Sear alata 
watH eaafreorerfeareara fatwa faced: “aTaReiare: waa 
famraraietuaacefsaraasqugiaet | asafear 
fanquacmeteengiafagraia | aia 
fea aranruatfaanancraaatfrareqaricartatcs aud 
fafaanrfa: arhtfafea afsatiraracafeaaafacare 
Watts qacarfialtfaewigarenafcafatcaefaaa 
vaazaatfa: wararfaatfafcarcseciaadtte: cattagy 
winnfifts qausraatrerfuht aad tates acaresT 
qua rafemaaeariagaaeawaatTs Taal AAT 
fattrcaaradtcareagia wWeapfeearwecaw way 
MAMTA TIAA AraTfaquierqeaaqcssac 
UiftseaqanAy Acwafatysszava: | aiiasaga 
Haars sean wheats: || Cafarqeyat weet 
warfaaifrea argu fafearaara afcitara seas at 
walagfagiaeal Telaaal Twarsafes: | wea zal 
Saas Wa eaaratfaqrerad: i fratatan: why 
aa: WaAqadad | ahracatsaraaed ates? || wa 
uated faquaaeguicandal zat sat 
fetta | efaurigaa peafcdtteadtar afar at 
RAHAT || SACTAUT TTA T IAP AT adtttorafeet T 
UEAT LE. afratats T 

(> wata#aa 

1840.) Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 771 

 qarratwel feed aaa ssa iatsac: | aTAATATAAT 
WTA! THASMTTUZA: [A WUE w egranTAAg ied | TA 
amas Fa Ua vasa | aM: aTaAQIIU Acat| 
‘aeufama | We fAerasaTATATTIENIS Se li Hea 


TITAS | AITEAT Aaa Wrat Aaa at: faa: | fawgra 
agiaed fama wiseaa: | THR TaTe | LeU HAGA wa 
RSITIYAT | BATA geMAag Ailaat AA afedt | Tea 
feat wssatfanfimyfaqaacaracaal afua: 

FATA: BAR GAT ATTA ser aicieeyae 
sacs afer carats erat afta | Cas TT SAT 
amtaad aa fadar sf aq adentfa: fretaa 
cfaary: | seal fanfare ca aardtieta 
afaarcfera: aPEIAIe ali aes arfaaraeara sat 
afgade afar ad taeda yaar fe aha 
euag afas afwa a fasorerararey 

aay anenta wvsifanttuafaced eet wissatfaat 
faues waza aX RTaeH: Hsalfautfattaad | aw 
aah: Tal TAATTSA: II 

772 ! Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104. 

Literal Translation, by Pundit Saropa Prosap CuucKERBUT TY. 

1. May the Louhetya Sindha, (Brahmaputra river) wherein the 
fish are abundantly supplied with water, and whose stream is ruddy 
with the dashing spray, turbid with golden mud mingled with ice, 
splashing up as the waves fall on the golden rocks of the beautiful 
Katlasha mountain, ruddy too with the heavenly flowers dropped 
from the hair and hands of the goddesses who come down to sport 
therein, protect you ! 
2. May the Pindkapdné (Siva) on whose head the Ganga waters 
cast up by the wind, are, as it were, the stars on the firmament, 
sanctify you ! 

3. The first Bardha (the incarnation of the Boar) had a son 
named Naraka, from the Earth (his wife), at the time of her de- 
livery ; who (Naraka) robbed Aoléte of her earrings,* and Hari 
(Indra) of his power. 

4. Krishna having slain him (naraha) felt excessive grief by 
the lamentations of his wife, and could not therefore refrain from 
creating his two sons, named Bhagadatta and Vajradatia. 

5. Bhagadatta ; who was modest, having succeeded to the guddee of 
Prdgjyotisha, (Kamroop) devoted himself to the adoration of him 
(Krishna) the supreme Deity. 

6. Krishna being pleased with him, made him master of another 
good territory ; but in time the sovereignty of Prdgjyotisha was after 
him governed by his posterity alone. 

7. From his line was born Prdélambha, whose name was won- 
derful to all. He was the Lord of Pragjyotisha, and destroyer of his 
enemies. His footstool was illuminated by the light of the crest- 
jewels of all Rajas. 

3. He was against those who were enemies to his ancestors from 
Sdlastambha down to Sriharisha, who are all deceased, and who, 
with all their noble and royal qualities, delighted all the extreme regions. 

9. His (Prdalambha’s) brother, greatest of all Rajas, abandoned 
his valour with indignation, but not his car (? indignantly re- 
signed the fight, yet left not his car ? ) 

10. His queen, named Jivadd, was dearly beloved by him ; like 
Prabhata Sandhya, (morning twilight) she was vdéndyat of all, and 
the source of great éejas.{ 

11. From her he (Pralambha) had a son named Hajara, who was 
the king of kings, and was embraced by Lakshmz (the goddess of 
fortune) herself, and whose feet were worshipped by every Raja. 

12. He (Hajara) was like Yédhiésthira in truth ; like Bhima to his 
enemies; and like Jéshnz (Arjina) in battle; who,§ though alone, 
yet was victorious over all his rivals that stood against him. 

* Note.—Particularly described in the Sreemutt Bhagavut, ch. 59. 

¢ The word Vandyd when connected with morning, means adorable, and praise- 
worthy, as applied to the queen. 

{ Tejas has two meanings; the light and spirit, or vigour, or vigourous persons; the 

former relates to the word morning, and the latter to the queen. 
§ This sentence is applicable to both Arjuna and the Kaja. 

1840.] Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 773 

13. Lakshmi being as it were disliked by Vishnu (her husband) 
whose mind was in love with the Gopas (the wives of the cowherds) 
forsook his breast and came down to this individual with all the per- 
sonal beauty of her sex. 

14. This Lakshmi, as it were, determined in her mind that 
** because this conqueror is possessed of all personal beauty, as well as 
noble qualities of my husband (Vishnu), who has matchless might 
and a car-wheel or his hand, I shall surely become his chief queen, 
though I shall undergo degradation.” 

15. Lakshmi having ascertained this, as above, transformed 
herself into his chief and beloved queen, whose name was Tard, and 
who was like a jewel of superior quality among all the females of her 

16. From her (Tard) he (Hajara) had a son named Vanamdia, 
the king, who was prosperous, renowned, like the moon the source of 
the universal delight, and adorned with the jewel-wreath of all 
noble and royal qualities, and his footstool was borne by the crowns 
of numerous Rajas. 

17. Because he was the worthy master of the territories that 
extended as far as the Vanaméld (lines of forest) near the seashore, 
the Creator caused him to be named Vanamdla. 

18. He (Vanamdéla) resembled the Suz in the field of battle, by 
reason of his driving forth the darkness of the furious elephants of his 
vanquished foes. 

19. Further, he was like the moon on the clear sky of the Naraka 
line, from which were sprung many kings, by removing the dark- 
ness of his enemies. 

20. He (Vanamdld) who had by the force of his mighty scymetar 
been expelling all the Rajas, who were like thunder to the mountains 
of the powerful army of their respective enemies, made Sree (Lakshmi) 
the wife* of one husband. 

21. Some Rajas, who though they were conquerors of their many 
rivals, yet from the fear of Vanamdla’s power took refuge with pre- 
cipitation in extreme regions, and others in the heavenst. 

22. The rest, who were forward to throw their sharp shafts over 
him in battle, far abandoned their lands in consternation. 

23. The enemies who were gallantly forward in battle with their 
elephants, were subdued by him. 

24. He who was devoted to (the gods?) bore the burthen of Na- 
kusha (a Rajd of antiquity) by his faithfully repairing the fallen and 
the Himdla-like lofty palace of Hetuka Sulin (the Siva of destruction) 
whose feet are worshipped by the multitude of gods, at Kdlantara— 
and further, by adorning it with the images of domesticated elephants{ 
and fair women. 

25. His fame, which is whitest of all, exists in the regions of 
the serpents (Tragaloka) ever laughing to scorn (even) its eternal 

* Solely dependent on one, i. e. the king Vanamiala himself; the meaning being, that 
he payed the fickleness of fortune (Lakshmi) by the continuance of his success. 

t+ Departed their lives. 

¢ Note.—Literally “village elephants.’’ 

5 F 

7/4 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. (No. 104. 

splendour, in extreme regions (surpassing in whiteness) the water 
cast off from the trunks of elephants with their long breathings, 
and in the firmament (deriding) the spotless and pleasant beams of the 
moon full in her digits. 

26. He by his truth, gravity, greatness, power, liberality, and 
might, had far overcome the Dharma, (Yudhisthera) the sea, 
the mountain, the sun, Karna the king, and the son of Maruta 
( Bhima). . 

28. The moon finding this world whitened by the moon of his 
fame, takes her rise as if with shame* even to this day. 

29. The wifet of Ajja (Brahma) whof is like an oblong pond on 
the firmament, as it were, sings his extended fame (praise) in Devene 
temples, to the sounds of musical instruments and songs, and in groves 
by the utterance of prayers and hymns of sacrificers. 

30. Large quantities of gold, elephants, horses, lands, wives,§ silver, 
and jewels were his usual gifts: and he, though very moderate 
of speech, yet was himself Vahubak.|| 

Because he gratified the appetites of the people of all classes, 
and was himself in company with the learned, numbers of most 
mighty Rajas had been constantly coming to him, mounted on their 
various elephants, horses, and litters, to pay the respects due to his 
highness. ‘To Vanamala, who was skilful, the king of kings, very rich, 
and devoted to the feet of his parents, and whose mind was attached 
to the supreme Deity, was Louhztya Sindhu the sage{ as a friend. 

Its water was made fragrant with the scent arising from the 
flowers dropped from the creeping plants moved by the long drawn 
breathing of the serpents, startled at the cries of the wild peacocks 
and various other birds reposing on the lofty trees of the eastern 
mountain, while all sides were occupied by the numerous elephants, 
horses, and foot soldiers of Vanamala. 

Further, its streams were intermixed with the odorous water of the 
clouds, composed of the gashes of the Kalaguru trees (black aloe wood) 
burning by the conflagration of its adjacent groves. 

The inhabitants near its banks were all delighted with the smell 
arising from the musk of the deer, which were in different places col- 
lected, grazing on the fragrant pastures of the Eastern mountain, and 
further of those that were in many places killed by the wolves, as well 
as by Nature, and were left unconsumed thereon. 

Further, its streams were more sacred than those of others, from their 
continually washing the sides of the mount Kamakzita, which is inha- 
bited on its tops by Kameswara (a Siva) and Maha Gouri (his wife) 
whose footstools are brightened with the crown jewels of all the Szvas 

* The black spots that are generally visible in her, are usually described by poets 
as the marks of her disgrace and shame. 

+ Saraswati. 

{ I cannot conceive what the poet means by this metaphor, 

9 By his giving wives, is meant that it was his custom to assist those with expenses 
whom the want of money rendered unable to marry. 

|| This word is of two meanings, one who talks much, and of whom men speak much. 

‘i Here the river is personified as a sage. In Sanscrit the river Brahmaputra is said 
to have been a male river. 

1840. | Ancient Land Grants in Assam. ao 

(gods) and the Asuras. And moreover it was turbid with the odorous 
substances which were besmeared over and washed from the high 
breasts of the bathing lovely females, and adorned on both the banks 
with boats or ships; which (boats or ships) were like the Velxa* 
females, adornedt with various ornaments ; like female children orna- 
mented with sonorous kiwkinit (a girdle set with small bells) ;—like 
Varastris (courtezans) holdingt chamara (chowrees) ;—like the wives 
of Dashavadana ( Ravana) bearing the marks of Dashana§ (teeth) round 
them ;—like the Kaminis (wives) of Pavana (the god of wind) pos- 
sessed of Vega|| (swiftness) ;—like the women of Danuhanga (a nation) 
attractive of all minds ;{ and like Devapalis (inferior gods) ever existent 
above,* and whose (boats) Vega is samvardhita, (augmented or in- 
flamed) like that of the Carnatic females by Ka¢hinabhighatat. 

Further, their U'thampat is augmented like that of the girls danc.. 
ing with their male companions. 

There was a person named Bhijjata, who was the illuminator of the 
Sandelya line,—liberal,—pious,—devoted to the gods, and studious 
in Yajurveda, and its angas§ (subordinate parts.) His wife named 
Sabhrayeka, who was pious, endowed with all the Brahmanical 
qualities, and descended from a respectable family, was married to 
him according to the Brahma Vidhi. | 

To their son, who was himself a priest studious in the Vedas, 
possessed of noble qualities, and superiority, and whose name was 
Indoka, the king Vanamala has granted the village named Abhéssiira- 
vataka, which is furnished with fertile lands, and the reservoirs of 
water, and the undermentioned eight boundaries on the west of 
Trisrota (the Ganga-river) for the virtue of his parents. 

* Name of a tribe. This Veshisana (adjective) is to be applied to both the boats and 
the females. 

+ Oars at that time were generally bound with Kinkinis round them, as are now the 
paddles of snake boats. 

é { Boats and ships had always been at that time beautified with chamaras and flags, 

§ The persons of the wives of Ravana, who had ten mouths, bore the marks of as 
many lines of teeth. This when relating to the boats means that the earrings thereon 
were visible like the marks of teeth. 

|| This is applicable to both the boats and the wives of Ravana. 

“| The boats were so beautiful that they were pleasing to all. 

* Here the word above, means above the surface of water when connected with the 
boats, and sky when with the gods. 

t+ Here the words Vega and Kathinabhighata are both of two meanings. The former 
means amorous lustre and sPpEED—and the latter strong embrace and haste, when they 
are in turn connected with the females and the boats. 

{ U’tkampa, when relating to the girls, means a motion used in dancing; and tremu- 
lous motion when relating to the boats; i. e. when the boats are danced on by men, 
por appear as it were dancing themselves too by the pressure of those moving on 


§ The Angas are as follow :—Sikshd, or the science of pronunciation, and articula- 
tion ; Kalpa the detail of religious ceremonies ; Vydkarana or grammar ; C’hhandas 
prosody ; Jyotish or astronomy ; and Nirikti or the explanation of the difficult or ob- 
scure words, or phrases that occur in the Vedas. 

A mode of marriage, the presentation of the bride, elegantly adored, by the father 
to the bridegroom whom he has invited. F 

It is bounded on the west by Dashalangasabha; on_the south-east by Chandra, 
on me west by Nakuvasava, and on the north-east by Dashalangala Sabhasa,—Sam- 
vat. 19. 

776 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104, 

Abstract Lineage of Vanamala. By Pundit KAMALAKANTA. 

The first Baraha had a son named Naraka from the earth (his wife ;) Naraka had two — 
sons named Bhaga-datta and Vajra-datta, and was himself slain by Krishna, who being 
affected by the mournings of his wife, made Bhaga-datta her son king of Pragjyotisha. 

From his line descended Pralambha, who also succeeded to the Guddee of — 
Pragjyotisha. i : i 

From his queen, whose name was Jivada, was born Hajara, who also had named ~ 

Vanamdla from Tard his wite. 

Note By Pundit KaAMALAKANTA. ; 

Three letters of the third quarter next to the words Armbhakrirat of the first Sloka, — 
which is in the Sragdharé C’hhanda, have been obliterated, the three letters Sibhusha ~ 
are placed in lieu of them. ? : : 3 

Here the reason of inserting ra in the place of rha is, that the inhabitants of that _ 
place (of Assam) can not with ease pronounce the latter, and therefore they are liable — 
to make use of the former (ra) both in their speaking and writing. 

At the endthe word Tresrotdyd, which is the mistake of the writer, should be Tres- 
rotasa, as Vanamala was himself master of even the territories situated on the banks of 
Ganga [it is probable] he personally went there, and after performing sacrifices granted _ 
lands to Ydgnekdchdrya on its western bank. 

Granting lands with Tamrasasana is said to have been reward of yaga [ceremonies.] 

All this is described also in Siswpdlavadha [the work in which the death of Sisupala 
is described. ] ; 

Note on the above. 

The early history of those tracts on the banks of the Brahmapootra — 
which lie to the north-east of Bengal, and which are now for the most 
part either forest land, tenanted only by wild animals, or wastes partially 
reclaimed and inhabited by tribes nearly as wild as the beast of the forest, — 
is unfortunately involved in singular obscurity. The soil of Assam Proper 
is of great fertility, its products are numerous, and the results of the indus- _ 
try of the inhabitants and of settlers, encouraged and fostered by the equi- — 
table rule, and efficient protection of the British Government, prove that 
the land is capable of supporting the densest population. The character 
of the extensive hilly country between Assam, and Cachar, and Munipore, — 
would appear to be not dissimilar ; and we in fact have the strongest proof 
that the whole of these tracts were at a former period thickly inhabited by © 
a people far advanced in civilization. The immense earth works which © 
traverse Assam forming at once dams for the retention of water, and com- 
modious roads across the flooded country, the extensive ruins in Chardwar, — 
(Jour. As. Soc. vol. iv. No. 40, April 1835,) the remains of the ancient city 
of Dhemapoor, in the Naga country, are not the only proofs extant of the - 
power, wealth, and energy of the former inhabitants of these tracts. It 
is however very unfortunate that among the numerous remains already — 
discovered, no inscriptions have been found, which could lead to conclusions 
as to their real history. Capt. Westmacott (formerly Assistant to the Gover- — 
nor General’s Agent on the North East Frontier) has indeed in the able pa- — 
per above alluded to, sketched from tradition, and such records as are- 
extant, a history of the early monarchs who ruled at Pora in Chardwar; — 
but as regards the general history of the country, we have little that can be — 
looked upon as authentic. ‘‘ The very numerous remains of stone temples,” _ 
says Major Jenkins in a letter to me, “ all completely overthrown (except — 
some of quite modern date, erected out of the ancient structures) speak 
of long periods of prosperity, and great revolutions of which weare entirely _ 
ignorant. From one of the temples at Hajoo being frequented by pil- — 
grims from all parts of Thibet, and Tartary, I imagine the Boodhist — 
faith formerly prevailed in Assam, and this may account in part for the — 
destruction of the temples. That faith was succeeded perhaps by the — 

1840. | Ancient Land Grants in Assam. Tip 

Brahminical under the Pals (i. e. the Pal dynasty) ; they were swept away 
by the Koches, who probably were not Hindoos till they ceased to be con- 
querers, as was the case with the Ahoms, who with the Mahometans then 
contended for Kamroop, and both perhaps destroying the temples which 
fell into their power.” I am strongly inclined to concur with Major Jenkins 
in the opinion he expresses as to the probable prevalence of Boodhism in 
Assam at an early period; its supercession by Hindoo invaders; and the 
consequent destruction of the temples now extant. The following extracts 
from the Mahabharat, and Roghuvanso, are of authority, as proving the 
early power of the Rajas of Prajyotisha, and their early wars. I owe both 
these quotations to Pundit Sarodhaprosad. 

The following slokas as quoted from the 4th chapter of Roghuvanso. 

** 8lst. While Roghti crossed the river Louhitya Sindhu (Brahmaputra) the king 
Pragjyotisha (Kamroop) as well as the kalagurd trees* to which were tied the 
elephants of Roghi —— trembled. 

2nd. How could he (the king of Pragjyotisha) stand forth against the advancing 
army of Roghti, when he could not withstand the rising vast dust of his cars which 
entirely covered the sun, and were like a day dark with clouds, but without shower. 
83rd. Him (to Roghti) who surpassed Akhandala (Indra) in power, the king of 
Kamarupa visited with all his elephants, which were exuding juice from their temples, 
(i. e. they were in a state of fury) and which he invaded others with. The king of 
Kamarupa worshipped the shadow of the feet of Roghu, the ruling deity, of his footstool 
with the flowers of valuable jewels. 

Mahabharat Bhishmavahda Parava, Section 75. 

wrsseifaney ahedt AFAR Ha: 

_ Osuperior to man, the king of Pragjyotisha is on the centre of the entrenchment 
attended with Madra, Souvéra, and Kekaya, and his numerous army. 

Section 112. 
aa: wIasat fet SY Ciel ATTA SEA: 
faweehaauty qeAAT EAA |! 

Then the Raja of Pragjyotisha cut off the large bow of Madhava with his sharp 

bhalla (a species of spear). 

Amid the uncertainty 1 have described above, it is gratifying to find 
something in the shape of documentary evidence, speaking to a direct 
historical fact, as in the case of the copper plate which Captain Jenkins 
has enabled me to present to the readers of the Journal. With this, and 
the other plate purporting to be a grant by Dhurmpal, we have two 
documents bearing respectively the dates 19 and 36 of an unknown era. 
I will endeavour to prove that this era must have been the one adopted 
by the Hindoo conquerors of Assam as their own; a fact which would 
strongly corroborate the more than plausible supposition that the former 
possessors of the land whom they subdued, were Boodhists, or at any rate 
of a different faith from their own. 

For this purpose however I must in the first instance express my reason 
for differmg with the opinion which would, I think, destroy the local 
application of the zera, the idea namely that the grant now before us rela- 
ted to lands on the banks of the Ganges, or real Gunga, an opinion which 
it will be seen is held by Kamalakanta, as also by other capable authori- 
ties whom I have consulted. My views could not be better expressed than 
in the following extract from a note addressed to me in answer to a refer- 

ence on the subject by one of our members, Baboo Prosunno Comar 
Takoor :— 
* The black aloe wood. 

118 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104. 

af With reference to your note with its enclosures on the subject of the Assam 
() Baatg_q ‘Tamba Putur, (1) containing grants of land on the banks of the 
(2) ster Ganges, (2) I have much pleasure in communicating my thoughts 
cad on the subject, and which I hope will clear up the mystery, 

namely how the Rajah of Assam could grant lands on the banks of the Ganges. 
‘* It appears from Captain Jenkins’ letter, that the grants were discovered near the 
station of ‘l'ezpore, in the Durrung division, and that those grants specified the lands as 
(3) amea ‘Burmutter’ (3) by ‘ Dharmopala’ ; (4) and each grant with the 
> ib ie prefix of the figure of Ganesa(5). You will find on referring to 
(4) CIATA Dr. M’Cosh’s Topography of Assam, page 93, that ‘the 
northern central Assam, or Durrung, or ‘Tezpore, (the place 

(©) stg of the discovery of the grants) is bounded from Nowdowar on 
the east by the river Burili.’ Here is the mystery. The river Burili is called 
(6) wafa _ in the language of the country Bhurili(6), and the sacred 

: name for the same river is Vasishty Gunga,(7) or Ganges, 

(7) At fap ster} which you will be able to ascertain from the learned people of 
that country through Captain Jenkins. Thus the land alluded to in the grant must 
be on the banks of this Ganges; and not of owrs. Gunga, corruptly called Ganges, 
is (By the exclusive rane ae river. peor vie iy Leng should properly be 

) Sita calle agirutty-Gunga.(8) And there are others, such as 

ars : cue al Shutu-Gunga(9) in Orissa, Boory-Gunga,(10) at Dacca, Tool- 

CYS TH see-Gunga(1l) at Rungpore, and so on, in various places. 

(10) ZINN And the Sanscrit writers of the grants and Sanscrit authors, 
particularly on the occasion of compiling poetical compositions, 

a) SAATAH for the sake of metre, emphatically omit the proper epithets ap- 
~ plied to the word Ganges. This may account for the word Ganges being used in 
the grants with the omission of the adjective Vasishty. 

‘*’'The inference of the grants of the land being on the banks of the Vasishty Gunga, 
and not on ours, is further supported by the name of the granter, namely, Dharmapala. 
This sovereign of Assam was distinguished for having embraced the Bhraminical 

(12) aaa religion, and invited Brahmins(12) from Gour(13) to his court 

aA north of the Burramapooter, and also from Mithel&(14) to co- 

(13) CNS lonise in his country. Thus it is quite natural that from the 
(14) 4 veneration in which he held the ministers of his new religion, 
fafaa he granted to them, and cima to colonists of the same sect, 

lands free of rent, which accounts for the three grants discovered near Durrung, 
situated likewise on the north side of the Burramapooter; and many others may be 
found in time. It may be conjectured that the monarch had his capital situated 
in the vicinity of ‘'ezpore, perhaps in some place near or at Chardwar, being one 
of the four divisions of Durrung, as we still find the ruins of ancient temples and 
other edifices on that spot (vide Journal of the Asiatic Society, April 1835, page 185. )’’ 

I perfectly concur in thinking that this explanation relieves us of the 
necessity of supposing Vanamala to have possessed lands on the banks 
of the real Gunga, (carrying thus into Bengal Proper the name of a ruler, 
and an era unknown there), and further of being compelled to admit a 
violation of the rule, which all experience of the discovery of ancient 
copper grants teaches us, namely, that the Zamba patur is invariably found 
upon the land to which its contents relate. 

Taking Hujara, or Vanamala, as a Raja ruling only in Chardwar and its 
vicinity, we have next to trace his existence with reference to what of 
history is still extant as regards the ancient Assamese dynasties. The 
late Captain Pemberton, whom I consulted on this point, was of opinion 
that what Mr. James Prinsep, (Useful Tables, p. 118) calls the Induvansa 
dynasty, “though,” to use Captain Pemberton’s words, ‘it should have 
been the Ahom, or Ahong dynasty, and not Indu,” was to be found in the 
list composing the Pal dynasty, commencing with Chukapha in 1230 a. p. 
“There can be no doubt that this race of kings by whom the conquest of 
Assam was effected in the thirteenth century crossed the mountains known 
as the Pal kole, or Pal mountains, which separate Assam from the moun- 
tainous region on the western frontier of China, near the sources of the 
Irawaddee river of Ava, and we may fairly conclude that the term Pal has 

1840. | Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 719 

been applied to them from the circumstance of their having first poured 
down upon the plains of Assam from the passes of the Pal mountains. 
Certain it is, that they were a branch of the great Shan tribe which 
under various modifications occupies the whole tract of country between 
Munipore and Yunon, extending down to Siam.” 

There is, I think, little doubt but that the so-called Induvansa dynasty 
were the Ahom conquerors, (though not a. p. 1230) of Assam; but they 
cannot be identical with the Pals, because we have before us evidence 
of Dhurmpal’s being a Hindoo Raja, and we know that neither were the 
Ahoms in fact Hindoos, nor could they be so, coming whence they did ; there 
is moreover no trace of Hindoo religionism among their descendants. 
Putting this supposition therefore aside, I will take up Captain Jenkins’ 
list of the Pal Rajas, which Mr. James Prinsep seems to have considered 
in a great measure apocryphal, as he does not insert them in his tables, 
and indeed notes, with marked incredulity, the tradition of Dhurmapala 
having brought Brahmins into Assam from Gaur, a fact however proved by 
the plate granting the Maha Rudra Dewalee, and proved further to have 
been a practice with his predecessors by Vanamala’s grant. In Captain 
Jenkins’ list we have after Ramchundra (a Hindoo?), the word jaintee, 
which Captain J. suggests may allude to the country of Jainteah, but 
which I am inclined to think has reference to the conqueror (Jynti, or Jytari 
jy---victory) who is noted by Captain Westmacott, (Journal Asiatic Society, 
vol. 1v. No. 40) as follows, “Shribahu, ninth sovereign of the second 
dynasty, was vanquished by Vikramaditya, and was succeeded by Jytari, 
a pious Chhatri from the Dekhan, who overcame Kamroop, and on ascending 
the throne assumed the title of Dharma-pala.” Now there is nothing more 
natural than that a Hindoo leader of the military class, successful in his 
attack on a foreign land, should be emphatically called jytarz, “the con- 
queror,” or that having established the religion he professed(?) in the 
country, he should take.a title (Dharma pala) expressive of his fosterage 
of the true faith, giving thence a title to his dynasty, were it not, as I shall 
show, already peculiar to one whence he sprang. A descendant of his, 
according to Capt. Westmacott’s authority, by name Rama Chundra 
began his reign a. s. 1160, (a. pv. 1238-9) “and is the first prince the 
date of whose accession is commemorated in the volume,” whence the 
authority is taken, and which makes him twenty-fourth sovereign of part 
of ancient Kamroop, and the eleventh of the third dynasty of its kings. 
Chundra Pal, the seventh from Jytari in Capt. Jenkins’ list, may be 
identical with this sovereign, and the notice of the date of his accession, 
according to the ordinary zra, may have been consequent on his having been 
the first to abandon the custom of dating by what we may call the Pal era, 
two dates of which we find on the Assam copper plates, and which must 
certainly have fallen into disuse at no remote period after its establish- 
ment, the dates on the grant being the first notice we have of its ex- 
istence. Now itis worthy of remark, how well these dates seem to apply tothe 
list of Rajas in Capt. Jenkins’ Pal dynasty, allowing the fair average of 
12 years to a reign, and beginning with Jytari, its founder. We have after 
his immediate successor, Japandu Pal, (Prulumbha? v. 7. Sloka of the 
inscription), the name of Hari (Hujara?) Pal, in whom we may reason- 
ably recognise the Raja surnamed Vanamala, who in the year 19 of the 
dynasty of which he is third, granted lands to Brahmins on the Vashishty- 
Gunga; he is immediately followed by Dhumba, or Dhurma Pala, one 
of whose grants has been found with the date 36 of the Pal era. Thence 
to Rama Chundra, or Chundra Pal, we have only two, instead of, as should 
be the case by Capt. Westmacott’s authority, six Raja’s names, and from 

780 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104 

Rama Chundra (a. p. 1238) to Sukanangka, or Sukrank, son of Gujanka, 
or Gujank according to Capt. Westmacott, with whom the Jytari dynasty 
expired (a. pv. 1478), we have 13 Rajas occupying a period of 240 years, 
at an average reign of 21 years and a fraction, which is rather above the 
ordinary admitted chronological average. Itmay however be, that names 
after, as well before, Ram Chundra, or Chundra Pal, may have been omit- 
ted. In any sort, the assignment of a date to the Pal era in our own 
must be mainly conjectural; but taking Major Jenkins’ list as correct, at the 
average of 12 years to each reign, from about the death of Jytari, when I 
suppose the Pal era to begin, to the accession of Chundra Pal in a. pb. 
1238, we should have it commence at about a. p. 1178, or, if four addi- 
tional reigns be admitted, according to Capt. Westmacott, a. p. 1130. It 
remains for my readers to consider whether they would suppose it likely that 
Hindooism had been established prior to that in Assam (as the apparently. 
fabulous tradition would go to prove), or whether it is not more correct to 
conclude, that it made its way into the country about that period. 

I need not remark on the confusion of the lists of Rajas. Shubahu, 
whom Jytari succeeded by conquest, according to one account, is possibly 
the Subahu of Major Jenkins’ list, between whom and the conqueror 10 names 
intervene. It is much, in such absence of authenticity, to arrive, as I trust 
we have done, at even some approximation to the truth. 

I should however omit one most remarkable point regarding the Pal 
Rajas of Assam, did I fail to note that the Rajas of Bengal (having their 
capital at Gaur) were themselves a Pal dynasty, and that the name Dhurma 
Pala has been found on two copper plates, the Monghir and Dinajpor 
plates, which record kings of that race, both evidently referring to the 
same individual. The date of this potentate is given by Abul Fuzl, a. p. 
1027, which differs as regards Dhurma Pala from our calculation, and thus, 
independently of the discrepancies of other names in our present and 
the former plates, disproves the identity of our Dhurma Pala with him 
of Gaur. Still however it is very plain that a Pal Hindoo conqueror of 
Assam, who brought Brahmins from the capital of that country, must have 
belonged to that family, though he was, it would I think appear, but a 
junior branch, or off-shoot from it. 

Boodhism therefore was expelled from Assam by Hindoos from Bengal, 
but I cannot help adding a few more words on the subject of the history of 
Assam, in order to show that the subsequent Koche and Ahom invasions 
must have so wholly destroyed the Hindoo dynasties above noted, as to 
lead to the belief generally entertained among the people of the country 
of the introduction of that religion into it at a period so recent as the last 
century. The following comparatively modern inscriptions, which the 
Society owes to the kindness of Lieut. P. H. Sale (Engineers) are printed 
without literal translations (although I took care to have them made), as 
Lieut. Sale’s abstract of their contents is quite sufficient for all purposes 
required. I should mention, that I found Lieut. Sale’s letter among the 
papers made over to me, whenI took charge temporarily of the Secretary’s 
duties. His communication, though long unnoticed, has not been made in 
vain, and its publication will, I trust, lead to his again addressing the 
Society. His letter is as follows :--- 

‘*T beg to send you the accompanying facsimiles of inscriptions, which I took in the 
neighbourhood of Gowahatty, when | passed through that city in January, 1838. They 
can lay no claim to antiquity, and I doubt not that I have been forestalled; however, 
they throw light on the period when Hindooism first extended into the province of 
Assam. The Kamakhshya temple is said to be the first Hindoo place of worship 
erected in these parts; the renown of its great sanctity extends far aid wide, and many 
pilgrims seek the purification of their souls at this shrine. The temple is situated on 
a hill, about 400 feet high; on the ascent to it is a colossal figure of Betal carved upon 

1840. | Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 781 

a large piece of rock, and on the top, near to the great temple, is a figure of Hunooman. 
At the foot of the hill a small figure of Gunaish is cut on a boulder, by the side of 
which is the inscription marked No. 1. I perceived no inscriptions on the other stones. 
No. 2 is an inscription on the Dhol Mundip of the temple named Asakrunta, on the 
opposite or right bank of the Burrumpooter. No. 3 was taken from a stone by the side 
of a tank, about two miles from Gowahatti, on the Nowagaon road. The copies on the 
English paper are the inscriptions within the temple of ee eter to which I had 
no access, and were taken for me by the Suddur Ameen, Juggoo Ram Phookaw; all 
the inscriptions, I believe, are in the Assamese character. 

‘‘J might enter into a long description of the picturesque situationof these Mundurs, 
but it might be out of place, and I shall rest perfectly satisfied, if the copies may prove 
of the slightest use.’’ 

8 calsiTAssl{a: GF 

ami net wrfdorintes 
aifriedtiitadnecniaa sty 

ayewiitias | areriartaraptaey 

Bofass SHHATN Qa 
asipaaicatfawacs Aaacaeat 

ze || Ontwafaaiag=aai 
AfameS ara gnycataatya 

2a | Agecea Surafacste 

Seasafaracatags || eaatacaqcaifay 
Mafas sartrsntfaseht atatscay 

eae | erintne qiaraiacanarrseattafaaial 
fafsmaisfersiqcaapsay Aesydaai || 

‘Tf we leave out the ornamental parts of the poetry (being praises of the princes and 
the goddess) the inscription informs us that the principal temple of Kamakhya has 
been built by Shukla Diva and Shukla Dhwaja, the younger brothers of Walladivs 
(the king of Behar) in 1487. Equivalent to 1566 a. p.”’ 

fearzantas oftoeta 
Say HartfEsAA ain 
astcnatemtasrifeface |e 
fartnta 2aasnr eres Aes 
Fafauntafasaqaorr ya 

782 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104. 

Baan alaarycitagnta 
SAAA srefArsratal 
aliqaiaten Aweay 
aaleaeTerrt Ataf 

WITS 38 28 

‘« This inscription states, that by order of Shwurgu Diva Pramatta Singha, the king of 
Assam (his viceroy or Navab) Taruna Duvara Bara Phukkan, built the Doljatra 
mandap of Kamakhya in Shakabon 1672. Equivalent to 1751 a. p.”’ 

“9 Qferraegarqarafassniaysaraysaryy 
AMIfapBoRfasseAtwetaeent zeae 
agiaaurifraafeaeatratf beares 
amasrafetsay icra DATS 
WSfAsasiwacsegicuNtSanlapayy Ay 
SNR Teastarasaees tet feta ste at fasarziafesn 
arfesdtfomay totrrtafeg ieeataral 

‘This inscription (near Ganesha) informs us that by order of Pramatta Singha, the 
Raja of Assam, (his viceroy or Navab) Taruna Duvara Bara Phukkan, did dig up the 
nee Sarobara (or tank of the goddess Durga) in Shakabon 1666. Equivalent to 

As ee 

The similarity of the name (No. 1.) Shukla, to that of Chukra Dwaja 
(noted in Useful Tables as Raja of Assam in 1621) would lead me to con- 
clude that the persons are identical, especially as the descent of the late 
Assamese reigning family from that of Cooch Behar is well known, were it 
not that Mr. Prinsep’s date, attested by dates on coins, and that of the 
inscription, differ by fifty-five years. 


fit A Sleke FALL size 


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HS Co? 7 SS | AS o> J © : : moos) ae chet ou Hh 

aanae 2S Se w! auyeCUaA 
CEG GG SO 2% we eee 

THAR aT Fuangagy os 
i suas) UaForataa ae PRUE ieee ia ts 

Prins bah by 5. Bilder ¥ Ce 



a pa IT ic eat tf ce 

eT 5g ee 




ag ie pe 


§ tia cage awa 3” 




a Bee eo 



Bae ty wid ecaqee 

pan ie Be al rts . 
sagt ion coi das eae 
Ae) ee | 

sadist ee a) 
eet we haviidae 

ae CHA | Rae meen 

" ee a 
; Sil jukishoh eros “al 3 

5 a thin Fe fr MBieid “Wah ota te ie 2 od t ea Ba Ne ei x 
a P) ; , fh Seve or 


Memoir on the Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan.)—By Lieut. 

(Continued from page 709.) 

The Hos villages are in general unpicturesque, owing to their 
building on high barren spots, where the trees attain no size; they 
are very irregular, each house being separated and hedged in by itself, 
with its own little plot for planting maize, til, or tobacco; a street for 
suggers, generally runs through the village, and in the centre, an open 
space of turf, shaded by two or three tamarind trees, contains the 
slabs of stone under which the “ rude forefathers of the hamlet sleep.” 
On these stones the people assemble daily to talk or lounge, when 
there is no work to do in the fields. They scarcely ever build by 
rivers, preferring the vicinity of some small spring. The beautiful 
Byturnee, every wind of whose stream would be a subject for the 
artist’s pencil, or the poet’s pen, runs its crystal waters through regi- 
ons of deserted forests, where the vastness of canopying trees, and the 
Juxuriance of wild vegetation, show the richness of the soil ; while four 
or five milesinland, the country is populous and well cultivated. I have 
never satisfactorily ascertained the reason of this bad taste; but among 
other causes, I have been told it was for fear of their little children 
tumbling into the water! Whatever it may be, the open, barren spots 
they select are more healthy than those selected for beauty would be. 

A Hos if he be worth three or four ploughs, lives in a very comfort- 
able manner. The houses of the Moondas and Mankees are substan- 
tial and capacious, built so as to enclose a square. The walls are of 
stout and well joined stockading work, covered with mud, and 
neatly “‘leeped” or plastered with cow-dung, or chalk and water. 
The principal building is commonly ornamented with a verandah 
( Pindegee,) supported on carved wooden pillars, and covered 
with an excellent thatched roof. It is divided into three compart- 
ments—a sleeping room, an eating room, and one for general stowage. 
Opposite this house, and about thirty paces off, is another of ruder 
construction, for servants, travellers, or guests, and the flanks are 
joined by “ Byres,” or cow-houses, a granary, and often a pig-stye. In 
the centre of the square generally stands a pigeon-house, built of logs, 
on high timbers, neatly thatched over. None of their villages are ex- 
tensive, owing to the dislike they have to congregate together, for fear 

5 G 

794 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104. 

of fire or contagious diseases ; so that the crest of almost every rising 
ground throughout the country, is occupied by a few scattered houses. 
The nomad tribes of Hos, who inhabit the hilly tracts, are obliged to 
move every third year, to make fresh clearings in the forest. The 
soil in these places is very rich for the first sowings, but not being 
manured, gets exhausted in three or four years. 

The Hos wear very little clothing ; even the most opulent among 
them, who have quantities of cloth and ornaments, prefer keeping 
their finery shut up at home, for the purpose of adding to the 
pageantry of their funerals. Their raiment consists of a doputta, — 
(which is gladly thrown off, unless on state occasions) and a neat | 
narrow dhotee, called ‘‘ Botoé.” They wear the hair oiled and comb- 
ed backward, and fastened in a “ toupee” behind, but unlike the 
Ordous and Moondas of Chota Nagpoor, adorn their heads with no 
ornaments. The men however are fond of earrings and small beads, 
or plaited necklaces and bracelets ; most of them also wear charms 
against snakes, tigers, or diseases, tied round their necks. These the 
Hindoos in the neighbourhood make a profitable trade of, in selling 
to them. The women of the lowest order go about in a disgusting 
state of nudity, wearing nothing but a miserably insufficient rag 
round the loins, at the same time their breasts and necks are loaded 
with immense bunches of bead necklaces, of which they are extrava- 
gantly fond. They perform the hardest duties in the fields, digging, 
shovelling, weeding, drawing water, and getting in wood from the 
jungles. Constant exposure and work renders them prematurely shri- 
velled and ugly; the young women and girls of the better classes 
are however a striking exception. They are well, and at times hand- 
somely dressed, with a tasteful proportion of ornaments, without the 
stupid shyness and false modesty thought proper among Hindoo 
women; they are becoming and decorous in their manners, most 
pleasing in their looks, and doubly engaging from the frank and con- 
fiding simplicity which true innocence alone gives ; some few of them | 
are very pretty, although more roughly cast than Hindoo girls. Their | 
open, happy countenances, snowy white teeth, and robust, upright 
figures, remind one of Swiss peasant girls. Prostitution is quite un- 
known among them, and no more restraint is placed on females than 
in our own country. 

1840.] The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 785 

The men are fine powerful fellows, and while young, very handsome. 
The early use of the bow expands the chest and sets the muscles while 
yet mere boys, and their passion for the chase, which they pursue over 
their steep and rugged hills, brings their lower limbs into a state of 
training which the best ‘‘ Phulwan” of the plains of India might envy. 

The Hos are keen sportsmen, a fact which the “ Sahéb Log” at 
Chyebassa soon found to their cost; their Manton’s and Purdey’s, 
and Westley Richard’s, might as well have been left unpurchased, for 
scarcely a living thing in the shape of game could show itself in 
the neighbourhood, without the country being up in pursuit. In the 
quail season, when the ‘‘d’han” is cut, every herdsman tending his 
cattle has his hawk on his fist, besides large parties of youngsters from 
the villages, who keep close ahead of the cattle, and the instant 
a quail or partridge rises, the nearest ‘‘ Reechee” or “Chikra” cuts 
short his existence. I have frequently, returning home with an empty 
bag, met parties of them with provoking bunches of dead quail in their 
hands. On these occasions they would laugh heartily at the success of 
their system over mine, but generally end by offering me half of their 
spoils. My retaliation used to be in the snipe (khéts.) These birds, 
they confessed, their hawks could not overtake, and a successful right 
and left shot would restore the credit of the ‘‘ Boondookoo.” 

From the burning of the grass till the new crop becomes too 
high, i.e., between January and June, they scour the jungles in 
large parties, and at uncertain periods, for wilder game, surrounding 
and driving to a centre the deer and other animals. But the grand 
meeting is in May, about the “‘ Cheyt Purub,” when people of all sects 
and classes repair to the hills north of Singbhoom. The prelimi- 
naries of the “‘ Hankwa’” are arranged by ambassadors and emissaries 
from Singbhoom, the Kolehan, and the Jungle Mehals, and vast 
multitudes draw in from every quarter, from Sikrbhoom, from near 
Bankoorah, and Medneepoor, on the east, and from the borders of 
Chota Nagpoor on the west. On the given day, these crowds, extended 
in lines, draw towards a common centre, sweeping the Jankeebooroo 
hills and other ranges which reach from Chota Nagpoor to the Soobern- 
rekha river, separating Tamar from Singbhoom ; as the lines approach 
each other, the slaughter commences. The uproar is difficult to des- 
eribe, and the scene the wildest imagination can picture. Those deep 

736 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). (No. 104. 

secluded vallies, those barely pervious dells, the huge solitary hills 
tops, buried in one vast sheet of pathless jungle, which except on 
this annual occasion are never visited by man, now swarm with 
countless hordes. In front of them the different animals pass and 
repass, bewildered by opposing hosts, The huge gowers rouse from 
their noon-day retreats, and stalk with stately steps along the hill side, 
till infuriated by the increasing din, they rush through the forest, 
heedless of rock or ravine, and rending the branches in their ponde- 
rous flight—the wild buffaloes thunder across, brandishing their im- 
mense horns, stamping and wheeling round their young ones ;—the 
neel gyes gallop past like a charge of cavalry. The stately saumer, 
the beautiful axis, the barking deer or muntjac, dash along, clear- 
ing the copse wood with flying bounds, and suddenly stopping with 
erect ears and recurved neck, as the tainted gale warns of danger 
ahead. The fairy-like ‘“‘Orey,” or small red deer, with noiseless feet 
comes skimming over the tangled underwood, skipping in wild starts 
to the right and left, and sorely bewildering a host of t’hakoors, rajas, 
and their body guard, who perched upon mechans, (scaffolds) in vain 
try to bring their lengthy matchlocks to bear ;—with snort and puff a 
‘ sounder’ of pigs scurry through. The redoubled uproar from without, 
draws the attention to something which has excited the beaters. The 
reeds and grass are seen to wave, as if some bulky form were sliding 
through them, and at length, loath to leave the haunts which had con- 
cealed him so long, out comes the tiger, with a lumping, stealthy trot, 
crouching to the earth, with ears quivering and turning to catch every 
sound. He has soon passed on into the leafy depths, from which his 
hollow growl may be occasionally heard. And last of all, as the 
peacocks begin to mount into the air, and the jungle fowl with noisy 
cackle take wing, a loud sonorous grunt or shout ushers in the sturdy 
old “ Bhaloo,” who forced from the friendly shelter of rocks, comes 
bundling over the ground, and shaking his sides in a heavy gallop, 3 
oft stopping, wheeling round, and threatening his enemies. The reports 
of matchlocks; the ‘‘ click” of the arrows striking against trees; the 
shouts of the multitude; the roars, screams, and groans of the 
animals; the piping of flutes; the beating of drums; the braying 
of trumpets, reach their climax, and the multitude, composed of all 
classes and sorts, meet near the raja’s mechan to compare notes of the 

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 737 

sport. Here are the ever-dancing and singing-Sontals, dressed out in 
flowers and feathers, with flutes ornamented with streamers made 
of pith ; the wild Kurrias, or hill men, from the Luckisinnee hills in 
Borahbhoom ; the Koormees, Taunties, Soondees, Gwallas, Bhoo- 
mijes, &c, with sonorus ‘dammas’ or kettle drums, and other uncouth 
music, armed with swords, bulwas, and bows and arrows of every 
description ; the Hos, simple and unpretending, but with the heavi- 
est game bags ; the little ill-featured Tamarias, with spears, shields, 
and matchlocks ; the Nagpoor Moondas, with huge ornaments stuck 
through their ears, indifferently armed with bows and arrows, clubs, or 
bulwas; the southern Koles, and the far comer from Sarnda with 
their chain earrings and monstrous pugrees; the Bhooians with 
their long bows ornamented with horse tails, or the feathers of the 
blue jay, and their immense barbed arrows; the Pykes of the rajas, 
koonwrs, thakoors and other zemindars with their shields, tulwars, 
powder-horns, and immense matchlocks with rests, dressed out in all 
colours ; lastly, the rajas, thakoors, &c. themselves, with guns of Delhi 
manufacture, prodigious scimetars, or an occasional ‘‘ Angrezee bun- 
dook,” the gift of some sahib long passed from the scene, seldom 
fired, but kept for show in a venerable clothing of rust. Mid great 
shouting and gabbling the parties claim and carry off their several 
heads of game, or wrangle for the arrows sticking in the carcasses and 
elsewhere about ; all then repair to the banks of the nearest stream, 
where they form their temporary camps ; fires are lighted, the game 
is cut up, bundles of provisions unpacked, and for a mile or upwards 
along the wooded vista, the clear bright water reflects innumerable 
groups, which on either bank are cooking, eating, drinking, sleeping, 
laughing, or dancing. 

Such is the faint description of a scene in which I have often 
mingled, and look back to with much regret; 

**°Tis merry, *tis merry in good green wood,”’ 

and the sports of these simple people in their sylvan retreats must 
afford the highest excitement and pleasure to all in whom to a passion 
for field sports is joined a love for the beauties of nature, here seen 
in her wildest and most striking attire. 

These people have no amusements, with the exception of their 
hunting and fishing excursions, and the dancing and singing during 

738 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104. 

their festivals. The youngest boys stalk about birds nesting, armed 
with a small bow and arrow, or employ themselves fishing. Though 
cheerful, they are as manly as their fathers in appearance, and I have 
never seen them engaged in any game, nor am I aware that any 
are known by them. In Hindoo villages, groups of children may 
be seen constantly engaged in some puerile amusement, such as 
trap and ball, prisoner’s bars, peg-top, mock processions, &c. ; and the 
older ones in fighting cocks, quail, or rams. But these appear to 
afford no pleasure to the Hos; on calm summer evenings they are 
fond of assembling at their doors to listen to the flute, the girls sing in 
concert, the younger ones go through the quiet demure dance of the 
country, and papa and mamma sit aloof looking approvingly on, 
and solacing themselves with a little “ Eely” ; while twilight lingers, 
their happy laughing voices, or the wild humming melody of their 
songs is heard ; but no squabbling, no abuse or high words, no “ Gallee,” 
none of the vile traits of common Hindoostanee life, ever offend the ear. 

The language of their songs is poetical and pleasing ; it would not 
however bear translation. Ideas which in the English idiom would be 
dull and stupid, and words which would be common place, in the 
smooth mellifluous accents of their dialect sound interesting, and often 
beautiful. A few of their songs I have copied and translated at the 
end of the vocabulary, &c. 

Their dances are almost similar to those of the Dhangurs, Santals, 
and other jungle people. The men and musicians are generally in the 
centre of a large circle composed of women, locked with their arms 
round each other ; the circle is headed by the eldest matrons, and 
brought up by the smallest girls, a space being left between, they 
chassez backwards and forwards, keeping exact time, and going slow- 
ly round the men in the centre. Sometimes another large circle of 
men forms outside them, but all step with the greatest exactness to 
the tune, and the effect is most singular and pleasing. The “ Magh 
Purub” dance, when they go scampering through the villages four or 
six abreast, and in close column, is very like our “ Gallope,” and when 
the performers are well dressed, I have seldom seen any thing prettier. 

Marriage Ceremonies. 

When a young man has seen a girl who pleases him, he goes home 

and calls together four or six respectable men of his acquaintance, 

1840.] The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 789 

to whom he communicates his wishes respecting her. They in- 
stitute inquiries regarding the means, wealth, and respectability of 
the family, and if accounts are good, they set off to the girl’s parents’ 
house, taking a brass kutorah or a p’hool one a present, and tell the 
parents the young man’s wishes. On their way to the house they 
note carefully all the signs that occur, as the flight of vultures, the 
song of the “ ooi oe” or Mindanao thrush, and the appearance of jackals, 
taking care they should remain ‘on the same hand they were met 
with. Should the conference terminate favourably, the deputation is 
feasted and kept one day at the house, and the signs they have 
noticed on the road are recounted and carefully expounded by men 
versed in augury. The next day the deputation returns again, 
noting the signs on the road ; and in this manner they pass and 
repass between the houses of the parties, bearing messages and settling 
the marriage terms. These go-betweens are called ‘‘ Dootams.” People 
also from the girl’s side go to the bridegroom’s, taking note in their 
journeys likewise of the signs on the road. 

Should the omens be interpreted to be very bad, to portend death, 
or disease, &c., they determine to break off the match for a time, and 
appoint a meeting the next day, with “ Eely” and fowls, to havea sacri- 
fice on the road, half-way between the bride and bridegroom’s houses. 
The next day they accordingly, to the number of four or six on each 
side, meet half way, and go through the sacrifice to the “ Singbonga,” 
after which they tear a saul leaf in two between them and declare the 
marriage null and void. The whole ceremony is concluded by a prayer 
to “ Singbonga,” begging that if the parties still wish to be united, he 
will vouchsafe to give them better omens the next time they negociate. 

After some time the Dootams from the bridegroom go again to the 
bride’s house, this time there is no notice taken of tokens; they give 
notice that the bridegroom with his father and mother are coming on 
a visit. A day or two afterwards, the young man with his parents set 
off, and are received at the bride’s house, when mutual inquiries as to 
property, possessions, and the desire of the parties for wedlock, are again 
set on foot. All being satisfactorily answered, the parents settle the 
price to be paid by the bridegroom’s father. This is generally twenty, 
thirty, forty, or fifty head of cattle, according to the old gentle- 
man’s means ; sometimes, when the requisite number of cattle cannot 

790 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan).  [(No. 104. 

be paid, rupees, goats, sheep, or dhan, are given to make up the num- 
ber. For every thirty head of cattle, one plough of bullocks and a 
buffalo, also a few brass pots, &c. are given over and above the bar- 
gain. ' 

After this visit, people from the bride also go to see the bridegroom, 
along with the girl’s parents, and a feast is given them, after which 
the cattle, and such other things as were agreed on are produced, and 
the parents of the bride settle the day they are to bring her to her 
husband. . 

On the day fixed, the bride is led to the bridegroom’s house, in 
procession, with a numerous retinue playing on flutes and drums, 
and dancing; on approaching the bridegroom’s house, he meets her in 
like fashion, and leads her towards his house. The bridegroom is 
mounted on a man’s shoulders, with a drawn sword in his hand. 

When the whole party have come in front of the bridegroom's 
house they halt, the bridegroom’s mother, or aunt, or the nearest 
female relations bring a low wooden stool “‘ Gandoo,” on which they 
wash the bride’s feet, and her party then retire with her to where 
they have taken up their quarters for the night. Provisions are then 
sent to the whole party, and to the bride a cock, on account of her 
being about toenter the house ; this is called ‘“‘ Dooartaioom seem ;” also 
_ “ Chindee seem” or a fowl, for the bandage of her hair, which is to be 
untied and dishevelled the first night; also four pye of dhan, and a 
handia of Eely, called ‘“‘ Ajee hanar,’ which is for the bride’s 
sister ; also at midnight Eely, called “‘ Talla needa eely” is sent to the 
party, and dancing and singing is kept up till morning. 

The next morning the bride presents to the bridegroom for every 
head of cattle that has been given in price for her, a handia of eely, 
a pye of dhan, and a pye of rice; this is called “‘ Doob gandoo eely, 
Baba, and Chowlee,” being given because the bride is to be seated 
‘ on a mora of dhan, (a seat is called Doob gandoo); of all this, one 
half is sent back by the bridegroom, also a goat called, “‘ Jom is sie 
merom ;” also a rupee’s worth of necklaces, ‘‘ Jom issin hissir” ; also 
one rupee of cloth for her mother, called “‘ Enga bagé lijjia’. 
after feasting and drinking, the bride’s party rise, and with singing 
and dancing bring her to the bridegroom’s house and seat her on 
a mora of dhan, where oil is poured on her head, and a leaf dish 





1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 791 

of boiled rice and meat, dressed in the bridegroom’s house, called 
“Jom issin,” is brought her, which she touches with her hand, and 
thereby declares herself of her husband’s caste. She is then left in 
charge of the bridegroom’s female relations, and the ceremonies end 
by all the parties ape rsing home, and Jeaving the happy pair to 

Signs and Omens. 

If a vulture, crow, Mindanao thrush, Indian magpie, oriole, wood- 
pecker, partridge, jackal, fox, deer of kinds, hare, bee, snake, espe- 
cially the Covra, pass behind the Dootdm, or messenger, he will die. 

If a Cadis, ‘‘ toorpoo cheedoo,” cross in front of the Dootéam.or 
messenger (negociator), it portends the death of the bride in child- 

Should an ichneumon fly, ‘“ koonkal ho,’ drag a large spider 
‘* bindee ram,” across the road, it portends the bride will be carried off 
by a tiger the very first time she goes to fetch wood or water. 

The same omen, if a hawk or kite of any kind stoop and carry off 
a bird, fowl, or lizard, from any side. 

A syrus ‘‘ hoor, or vulture, deedee’’ crossing the road flying singly 
in front, portends the death of the father or mother, according to 
the sex of the bird—of the bride if near her village, of the bridegroom 
if near his. 

If the great wood-hawk, ‘‘ booroo queed,’’ hover over head, it fore- 
tells the death of mother and son at childbirth. 

If the deputation meet a toad, “ roto poto chokey,” it portends 
that the bridegroom’s father will be bewitched. 

If a flying squirrel, “ oral,” call out on the right or left hand, 
before or behind, the marriage is stopped directly. The same if a 
parakeet, “‘ meerov,” (large ringed kind) scream. 

Should a branch fall from a tree without apparent cause, such as 
_ being cut, or rotten, or worm-eaten, it portends the certain death of 
the parents of both parties. 

If the tumble dung-beetle, “‘ eeooroo,” be met with rolling dung 

_ along, it threatens poverty and unrequited hard labour. 

If two large lizards, ‘‘ kaka,” are met chasing each other to copulate, 

it is a sign that the bride’s sister, or sisters, will commit some faux 

5 aye) 

792 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). (No. 104. 

pas. If a pair of little lizards, “‘ reta kaka,” do the same, it foretels in- 
trigue among the bride’s female servants. 

If birds copulate, it portends that the intended bride is in love, or 
intriguing with some one else. 

A jungul cat, “ bow,” crossing the road, signifies the bride will be 
a lazy good-for-nothing person. 

In anointing the bride’s head with oil, should a drop trickle down 
her nose, it is a good sign; should it go down her temple or cheek, 
it shows she will be inconstant. 

If a Mindanao thrush, ‘“‘ ooi,’ Indian magpie, ‘ hoorlee,” or 

oriole, ‘‘ bocho,” perch on a kuhar tree, ‘‘doorlee daroo,” in front or — 

on either side, it portends the bride and bridegroom and their chil- 
dren will have ulcers. If they perch behind, the Dootam will have 

If one of these birds are seen flying up and turn back, it threatens 
the bride’s parents refusing to give her. 

The voice or cry of the queen of the white ants, ‘ rd el enga,” 
is a bad sign.* 

If a number of “sarooses” or vultures, pass, it is a good sign. 

If a magpie, woodpecker, vulture, Mindanao thrush, oriole, crow, 
or other bird settle on the summit of a large assun tree, “ hatna 
daroo,” it foretels riches. 

If two dhamna snakes, “‘ jamboo bing,” cross, it also foretels wealth. 

If the bee in wandering through the woods searching for honey settle 
upon a man, it foretels wealth, and that he will be very hospitable. 

The same, and longevity, if a number of crow pheasants, ‘“ sengel 
topo,” cross over. 

A troop of hannooman monkeys, “‘ sarra,” crossing, promises great 
herds of cattle. ! 

If any bird sit on a keond tree, “ tirril daroo,” it denotes the bride 
will be a vixen. 

Meeting women, young or old, carrying water in ghurras, is a good 

_If the spotted eagle, ‘‘doomoor kivid,” settle on the right side, it 
bodes imprisonment to the traveller. 

* This may allude to the low stridulous sound emitted from ant hills, during the 
sultry hours of noon, which ceases on near approach. 

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan ). 793 

Rites, Sc. at Childbirth. 

When the pangs of childbirth are coming on, the husband procures 
some widow as midwife, to whom a fee of eight annas is given. Dur- 
ing the wife’s illness the husband alone cooks for her, and also for 
the midwife, who is unclean, as well as the husband ; for eight days 
all the children and servants are excluded from the house, and sent 
with provisions to live for the time at some relation’s ; very little 
children are allowed to remain with the father. 

Should the pangs be very violent, and the women’s life in danger, 
divination is had recourse to, to discover the afflicting divinity, to 
whom a cock, goat, or sheep is sacrificed. 

For eight days the husband cooks his own dinner, remaining apart 
from all friends and relations ; during this time these latter prepare 
Eely, which they brew on the fourth day, so that it may be upon the 
eighth and place it in the husband’s house. On the eighth morning 
the father shaves the child’s head, and gets his own shorne by a taunty, 
or by his own servants. He then bathes and washes his clothes, 
and the wife does the same. They then go and partake of the Eely 
which has been set apart for them, and the relations finish the re- 
mainder, taking it away to drink. 

The unclean state of the husband and wife still continues till the 
new moon, or the moon’s first quarter, according to the time of the 
child’s birth, and the expiration of the eight days. Finally, there is a 
grand feast at the house of the husband and wife, and they are held 
clean from that date. 

Naming the Child. 

When the child can begin to stand or waddle about, the parents 
think of naming him. For this purpose they procure a pan of water 
in which they put four grains of Oorid, then take them out, and rub 
them in the palms of their hands until they are well softened. The 
father then cries out a name, saying he will adopt it if the grain of 
Oorid floats in the water, but not if it sinks. Four names with the 
four seeds are thus tried, and the name to which the seed floats is as- 
sumed and given to the child. 

Should all four seeds by any chance sink, the ceremony of naming 
is abandoned for six months, or a year, when the same operations are 


794 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). No. 104. 

It is common among the Koles for a friend of the family to wish 

to stand namesake to the child, but when this occurs, the grain of 
Oorid is still had recourse to, and if it sink at the godfather’s name, 
he is rejected. 

The namesake, or ‘‘ sakee’, binds himself to help the child in sick- 
ness, distress, or poverty ; by sending goats, fowls, &c. to sacrifice in 
the former case, or by lending him rice, &c. to be repaid without in- 
terest in the latter, and this sponsorship ends in unbroken friendship 
between the two, throughout after life. 

No kind of religion, or rites, or ceremonials are taught the children, 
but they pick them up as they can, by observing their elders. If 
a child die unnamed, it is not thought any particular misfortune on 
that score.* ; 

Funeral Rites. 

When a person is dead, the people of the house set up a howling, 
or “keening,” which continues till the news has been given to all 
the relations, and the pile prepared, which it is in the yard of the 
house ; first thick logs are placed, then smaller transverse faggots, 
on this a wide plank, along the edges of which sticks are laid ; 
when this is prepared, the corpse is brought out foot foremost, bed 
and all, with all its ornaments on, male or female, by the women of 
the village and of the house. 

It is then placed, amid crying and howling, on the pile, the head 
to the northward; rupees, to the amount that can be spared, are 
put into the mouth, a lota on each side the body, a brass, or “‘ p’hool,” 
‘kutora on the head, and one at the feet. Another board is then put 
on, and above it more wood, by the women, who amid redoubled la- 
mentations, set fire to the pile. 

When the whole is consumed it is suffered to remain all night, 
people going to and fro to watch it ; next morning water is poured on 
the ashes through peepul branches, and women pick out all the half- 
consumed bones, which are dried, then sifted in a sieve, and then 
put into a ghurra and covered with leaves, after which it is hung up 
to the eaves at the back of the house. Eely is brewed on this day, and 

* The youngest born male is heir to the father’s property, on the plea of his being 
less able to help himself on the death of the parents than his elder brethren, who 
have had their father’s assistance in settling themselves in the world, during his life- 



1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 795 

when it rises on the fourth day all assembled to bathe, wash their 
clothes, and shave, and then.anoint themselves with the blood of a pig, 
after which they feast and drink up the Eely. 

That same evening the ceremony is gone through of calling the 
spirit of the departed. All the company, except four people, the 
father, mother, and two women, or brother and sister and two women 
or men, sit outside in the back yard ; some boiled rice and a pot of 
water is then placed within the inner room of the house, and ashes 
sprinkled from thence to the threshold; the father and mother, or 
brother and sister, as it may be, then go out; taking two ploughshares 
in their hands—the other two people are left in the house to watch. 
Those who have gone out proceed to the spot where the body was 
burnt, and where (in some parts of the country) a clay horse and 
rider, and an earthen pot on a tripod, with the mouth closed, are 
placed; round this spot the two relations walk, beating together the 
ploughshares, and calling out in a plaintive wild strain, 

K’alleeng erankedmia K’alleeng enkakedmia Hoojoorooamén 
‘© We never scolded you, never wronged you ; Come to us back ; 

Booqité *leengposakeamia assooladmia Essoodinmidté leeng tykena 

‘We ever loved and cherished you, and have lived long together 
miadoaré leen tykena na do alum bageea ! gama needa ko 
‘* under the same roof; desert it not now ! The rainy nights, 
Rabang rabang poio dinko dara nendre do alum honorbya 
** And the cold blowing days, are coming on; do not wander here. 
Atarked jang japarré alum tingoona * Hoojoo rooamen 
“< Do not stand by the burnt ashes ; come to us again! You 
Hesa soobaré umdo ka ty dya gama hoojooredo 
“* cannot find shelter under the peepul, when the rain comes 

Rabang hoioré sarjum do Boogité ka doimiai 
““ Down. The saul will not shield you from the cold bitter wind. 

Oaté hoojoomén Umnangenté oa do boogikidalle ! alleeng do 
“* Come to your home ! It is swept for you, and clean; and we 

Moonooité heating metanna, alleeng déleeng minna, umnangente mandeeleeng 
‘* are there who loved you ever ; and there is rice put for you; 
doikia, dahleeng-doikia Hoojoomén o4téhoojoomén Dooirimén alleeng tar! 
‘And water; come home, come home, come to us again! 

796 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104. . i 

They then return to the house door, and call for a light, and 
commence searching for traces of the return of him they have been 
invoking ; they look in silence along the ashes for the supposed mark 
of the footstep of the spirit; they examine the rice to see whether the 
grains have been disturbed—the water, to detect any drops thrown 
on the ground ; should any of these signs be discovered, it is announced 
that the spirit is come back to the house, and they sit down apart, 
shivering with horror, and crying bitterly, in which they are joined 
by all without, who come and weep long and loudly, and then depart. 

The ceremony of going out and calling is persevered in till some 
signs, or fancied signs of the return of the departed to his home have 
been discovered. _ 

The relations assemble once more to settle the terms and time of 
burying the bones. Rice is given to people to fetch a stone, as large 
as the means of the family admit of, which is to be put over the grave. 
Into the grave, which is two cubits broad and chest deep, and in the 
public burial place of the village, rice is put, on this the pot of 
bones, over this, rice, clothes, money, brass ornaments, and every thing 
they can afford. 

The whole is then covered, and the stone or rock placed over it; 
on this a goat is sacrificed, and the blood and heaps of salt sprinkled 
all over the stone, also oil is spread over the gravestones of all the 
dead relatives who are lying around, to awaken them to receive the 
new comer. 

They also tie a strip of cloth to a branch of the tree above the 
gravestone, to show all passers by the quality of the cloth which 
was buried with the bones. 

Besides the gravestone, another, a cenofaph stone, is buried up- 
right to commemorate the name of the deceased, at the edge of the 
village, or side of the road, and the departed spirit is supposed to 
love to come and sit beneath its shade, when going to and from his 

The Koles suppose the spirit to walk about in the day, and to keep 
in the house all night, for which purpose they preserve a little space 
clean for it, on which they place a small mechan, called “ Tantara”, 
underneath which, in every Pooja or Purub, a small portion of the 
sacrifice is placed. 

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 707 

Kole History of the Creation of the World. 

Their following idea of the creation of the world, and of castes, 
&e. was communicated to me by some of the Mankees orally, and 
copied almost verbatim. In the commencement, Ote’ Boram and 

Sirma Thakoor, alias Sing Bonga, or God, were self-created. Sing 
: Bonga is the sun. After them the moon was self-created. 

Ote’ Boram and Sirma Thakoor then made the earth; after that 
they clothed it with grass, trees, rocks, water; they then made cattle, 
which were first born in ‘‘ Bogo Bochee ;*” after them all wild animals. 
They then made a little boy and a little girl, at the bottom of an 
immense ravine, and as they had no houses to live in, the gods told 
them to inhabit a huge crab’s cave (Katkomoa.) They grew adult, 
and Sing Bonga came to see them every day, and called them his 
grandchildren; but at length seeing no hopes of any progeny, from 
their extreme simplicity, he taught them the art of making “ Eely,” 
(rice beer) the use of which caused those sensations, which were in 
due time the means of peopling the world. 

After the creation of man, Sing Bonga, or the sun, married Chandoo 
Omol, or the moon, from whence sprung four sons and numerous daugh- 
ters. Now the four sons kept with their father, and the daughters lived 
with their mother, and as the sun rose every day, with his four hot, 
fiery sons in addition, the whole world began to burn; and all the 
animals and man perishing with heat, entreated the moon to save 
them ; so the moon resolved within herself to destroy the sun’s sons, 
and went, and accosting the father, said, “Our children do much 
harm to the world, and will soon destroy your labour. I am deter- 
mined to eat mine; do you also devour yours.” The sun promised he 
would follow the moon’s example ; and so when she hid all her daugh- 
ters, and cameand told him she had devoured them, he destroyed and 
eat all four of his children ; after which the moon released her daugh- 
ters from confinement. This artifice so enraged the sun, that he drew 
his sword and cut the moon in half, but repenting afterwards of his 
anger, allowed her to get whole in certain days, though she still 
remained condemned to be in half at others, and so she remained, and 
all her daughters with her, which are the stars. 

* T could never learn what place this alludes to. 

798 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104. 

Now, some time after the first man and woman had lived together 
and known each other, Sing Bonga came down and asked them what 
progeny they had ; they say unto him, ‘‘ Grandfather, we have twelve 
sons and twelve daughters ; these twenty-four lifted up their voices and 
said, ‘‘ great grandfather, howcan we brothers and sisters all live to- 
gether P—Sing Bonga said, “‘ Go you and make preparations and make 
a great feast, rice and buffaloe’s flesh, and bullock’s flesh, goats, sheep, 
pigs, and fowls of the air, and vegetables ;” and they did so; and when 
the feast was prepared, Sing Bonga said, ‘‘ Take ye two by two, man 
and woman, that which shall please you most, and that shall ye have 
for share, to eat all the days of your life, apart from the rest, so that 
none shall touch his brother’s share.” 

And so when the feast was prepared, the first pair and the second 
pair took buffaloe’s and bullock’s flesh, even as much as they could 
carry, and these became the Kole (Ho) and Bhoomij (Mootkan) 
race; then a pair took the rice ; and other pairs, male and female, 
rice and vegetables, and these became Bramins, Rajpoots, Chuttries 
and other Hindoos ; and others took away the goat’s flesh and fish, 
and became other kinds of Hindoos; the Bhooians took the shell fish, 
lastly, when nothing was left but the pig’s flesh, came two pair and 
took it away, and these are Sontals and Koormees to this day ; and 
when all the feast was cleared away, there remained one pair who had 
nothing, and to them the Koles gave of their share, and these are 
Ghassees to this hour. 

And so all these went and lived separately, and peopled the world, 
and multiplied exceedingly, and Sing Bonga taught those who lived 
in far countries other languages, and he gave people of different trades 
their implements. 

And after this from the Koles, from their senior house, sprung 
the English, who also eat of bullock’s flesh. But they are the senior 
children, and the Koles the junior ! 

And after the world was peopled, Sirma Thakoor destroyed it once, 
with the exception of sixteen people, because people became incestuous, 
and unmindful of God, or their superiors. (Some say he destroyed it 
with water, some say with fire.) | 

Wicked men are born again as dogs, pigs, or lizards. Those 
who swing at churruck poojas, become, some kites, others flying 

> a 2 } ae ee DI Pan i) eS tes if “— 

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 799 

foxes. Suttees never are born again, but remain burning for ever in 
their pits, and come out at night, wandering about, still burning (so 
say the Ghassees.) Good people after death are born again in some 
better condition in life than formerly. And this order of things will 
remain for ever and ever. There will be no last day. 

When men die, their spirits go to the Sing Bonga, who asks them 
how they have lived, and judges them. The wicked he whips with 
thorny bushes, and sometimes buries them in great heaps of human 
ordure, and after a while sends them back to be born in this world as 
dogs, cats, bullocks, lizards, &e. The good man he sends back to be 
born a still greater and better man than he lived before, and all that 
he had given away in charity, Sing Bonga shows him heaped up in 
heaven, and restores it to him. 

Gods and Spirits. 

Besides Oté Boram and Sing Bonga, or Sirma Thakoor, there are° 
Nagé Era or Garra Nagé, Desa Oolee, Marang Bonga—his wife is 
Pangoora ; these are village gods. 

Chanala Desum Bonga, also his wife Pangoora, belonging to married 

Horatén Ko, or road gods, who come along with a new wife ; also 
Mahlee Bonga, and Chandoo Omol. 

Nageé Era, or Garra Nagé, or Chandore, is worshipped in springs, 
rivers, or wells ; she is supposed to preside over cutaneous diseases, and 
deafness; she is propitiated with eggs and huldee; if that do not 
do, with a pig. She has no father or mother, but was self-created. She 
is invoked to help in catching fish. Desa Oolee presides over diseases 
of the head and stomach; he is the guardian of the village, and 
invoked to prevent infectious diseases coming into the country, also 
to insure rain, good crops, no diseases in the cattle. His wife is Jaér 
Booree. Desa Oolee is worshipped at the Mig Purub; they sacrifice 
goats, buffaloes, fowls. Jaér Booree is worshipped at Bah Purub, in 
March and April, and in Batta Oolee, in Assar. The same things 
are offered to her, except buffaloes; and she presides over the same 
things. Désa Oolee lives in a grove made for him; Jaér Booree in 


800 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104. 

another. They were from the first, as man and wife, but have no 
known progeny. | 

Marang Bonga presides over sickness, and is worshipped according 
to the extent of the sickness and means of the patient. He livesina 
grove (small one) where they erect a post, after sacrificing a buffalo, 
and sticking its horns on the top. 

To Pangoora they sacrifice, on account of sickness and fever, fowls, 
goats, or sheep; she lives under a tree, or two or three trees near an 
ant hill; no post is erected for her ; she is the wife of Marang Bonga. 

Chanala Desum Bongo is worshipped for diseases by married peo- 
ple alone, as he comes along with the bride from her village; Pan- 
goora, his wife, is the same. 

_ Horatén Ko are the spirits of the forefathers of a newly-married 
woman. They are worshipped on the road, and to them are sacrificed 
fowls, goats, or an old bullock ; they are invoked for sickness. 

Mahlee Bonga is invoked by cripples or blind people ; he lives any 
where indiscriminately. They offer him pigs and fowls. Chandoo 
Omol is propitiated by a pig and a black fowl, for sickness: she lives 
wherever she was first worshipped. 

None of these spirits have any reputed figure or description, and con- 
sequently are never represented by idols. The Hos frankly confess 
that as their gods, to their knowledge, have never been seen, they 
cannot be described ; they also know nothing of the origin of them. 

They have, moreover, no notion of a devil or any evil spirit, their 
opinion being that he only who created, is able to destroy or torment 
either here or hereafter. 

They have but four Purubs in the year, and these are not fixed 
to any particular date, some villages being two or three months per- 
forming their poojas, before or after others. Mag Purub takes place 
about February and March, sometimes in January; Bah Purub fol- 
lows a month after; Batta Oolee is in Assar ; and there is also sacri- 
ficing and pooja gone through before eating the newly cut crops of | 
the year, called the “‘ Namagom.” 

These festivals consist in little more than singing, dancing, and 
immoderate drinking, besides offering up a goat or two, or a few fowls 
in each village. The people seldom adorn themselves, or make them- 
selves cleaner than at other times, and the villages do not unite in 

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan ). 801 

these merry makings, but go through their ceremonies at separate times, 
and at their own sacred groves.* At Mag the men and women occasion- 
ally put on grotesque finery, and their songs and dances are wild and 
pretty. The figures and airs are nearly all alike; the women form 
a circle, are staid and demure, and sing in a low humming strain, 
while the men and drummers in the centre, in all stages of intoxi- 
cation, twist themselves into all manner of contortions, and indulge 
in violent and ludicrous gestures.. During one ceremony, at the Mag 
Purub, the Koles abandon their usual decent behaviour to women, and 
both sexes go tramping through and about their villages, chanting 
the most odiously filthy recitative, in which the youngest who can lisp 
are allowed to join. 

But if their public Purubs are few, they make up amply by the 
number of private sacrifices which they carry on in their own houses. 
On account of sickness in any member of the family, or among 
their servants, the most trifling indisposition, as well as the gravest 
malady, has but this one remedy among them. ‘They never attempt 
resorting to medicine, and no frequency of deaths, no extent of the 
ravages of any contagious disease, can shake their faith in the 
one resource of offering sacrifices to the god who is supposed to be 
chastising them with the visitation. In endeavouring to dissuade 
them from this dangerous folly, in which the father of a family, 
with unshaken bigotry, sees his household swept away into the grave, 
and the whole of his live stock destroyed in vain efforts to check the 
ravages of sickness, by sacrificing to the gods, we have as yet 
signally failed ; although they were, by dint of constant entreaty and 
admonition, induced to come to the Hospital at Chyebassa, and 
although many cures were performed upon them, it has proved of no 
eventual benefit ; the Koles now never make their appearance to seek 
for medical aid, and the slight temporary reform that was effected 
among them, has altogether ceased. 

The most gross superstitions still prevail among this people with 
regard to witchcraft ; but the dreadful effects of this belief, to which 
numbers of unfortunate persons have fallen a sacrifice, have now, 
through fear gf our laws, almost wholly ceased. The Koles believe 

* These sacred groves, or plantations of saul trees, are attached to every village; 
they call them ‘‘Saér’’, 

802 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104. 

that by certain prayers and incantations, a person can obtain sufficient 
power to produce the illness, or cause the death, not only of any 
obnoxious person, but of whole families, or even villages ; and that 
these evil arts can also extend to the crops, the cattle, and the wea- 

Should any such misfortunes befall them, it is of course immediately 
referred to the machinations of some sorcerer, and every means is 
had recourse to, to discover him. This is effected either by certain 
signs, or by the divination of some augurer, or most frequently (in 
case of sickness) by the declaration of the patient himself, who declares 
he has seen the wizard ina dream, Standing on him, and sacrificing to 
the gods, to procure his dissolution. Such is the inflexible integrity of 
the Koles in speaking truth, that I firmly believe the sick man, in all 
such cases, does dream of the person he denounces. Being taught 
from. his infancy to attribute every misfortune to preternatural 
agency, it is not to be wondered at, that when in his turn afflicted, 
his apprehensions rest upon some one, with regard to whom a previous 
quarrel, or other cause of ill-will, suggests the fear of retaliation, 
and these thoughts, long nourished while waking, would naturally 
embody themselves in sleep in some dreadful dream, which at once 
substantiates all the suspicions of the sufferer ! 

Should these proofs however be wanting, the near relations of the 

patient have recourse, as I said, toadiviner. This class of wretches, 

sources of all evil, are not, happily, so prevalent among the Koles as 
the Hindoos who reside in the vicinity. To these the poor credulous 
creatures resort, journeying to great distances, and parting with 
almost all their possessions to obtain the aid of the sage, who, after 
collecting such information as he requires, pockets his fee, goes 
through some absurd ceremonies, and coolly denounces the person he 
may consider best suited for the distinction, as the originater of all 
the calamity. 

The life of the unfortunate victim so pointed out was, of course for- 
merly, not worth an hour’s purchase; he was either slain openly by 
the party, whose kinsman was dead or dying, murdered in cold blood 
at night, or in some cases, demanded from his clans people, to undergo 
the ordeal. The latter have seldom been known to refuse such a re- 

quisition. The ordeal, however, was, as it has been in other countries, 

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan ). 803 

merely a means of glossing over the proceedings. The person de- 
nounced had either to dip his hand into boiling ghee, or water, or stand 
upon a red hot Koolharee (shovel) when, if scalded or burnt, he was de- 
elared guilty, or he was tied up in a sack and thrown into the water, 
with the option of floating on the top, if he could. 

The particulars of the ceremonies of divination and ordeal I cannot 
describe, having no longer the means of gaining information from the 
Natives. Hitherto I have been writing from their dictation. The ac- 
count of the creation, and of their marriages, and other rites, and their 
mythology, have been translated almost verbatim from their lips. Hav- 
ing now left them and their courftry, I conclude the theme from me- 

The Hos, although totally distinct from Hindoos yet, being a sim- 
ple race have suffered that crafty people to lure them in many ways 
into following their ceremonies, rites, festivals, and prejudices. Those 
near the boundaries have become as subservient to Brahmins as any 
Hindoos would be ; but on this subject I shall speak hereafter. The 
“* curse of caste’ is strongly felt by them, and its follies strangely mix- 
ed up with the distinctions of relationship. They divide themselves 
into clans, called ‘‘ Keelies,” of which there are a great number. Who 
the founders were, or whence they take their names, I never could as- 
certain. A man cannot marry into his keely, as it is looked upon as a 
kind of brotherhood ; neither can he eat with one of another keely. 
They have separated themselvesentirely from the race from which they 
sprung, viz. the Mondas of Eastern Chootia Nagpoor, although Keelies 
of similar names are found in both. When the separation took place, it 
is impossible to say, but it has become marked not only in manners, 
dialect, and dress, but in appearance. The Mondas form part of the good 
tempered, but ugly figured Dhangurs seen in Calcutta. The Hos are, on 
the contrary, eminently handsome, with figures like the Apollo Belvi- 
dere. These last shave the hair off the forehead, and wear it tied be- 
hind. The Mondas wear their locks dishevelled, or clubbed at the 
top of the head, transfixed with a long pin or comb, and are at once 

The Hos are particular in their diet. They eat beef (all but the bor- 
der and half Hindooised ones), mutton, goat’s flesh, fowls, hares, deer, 
and fish. The poorest classes eat pig, but unlike the Dhangurs, San- 

804 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). (No. 104. 

tals, Bhoomijes, and other tribes inhabiting the jungles, they never 
touch the flesh of bears, monkeys, snakes, and other wild animals. The | 
Hos, with some few exceptions, will drink spirits (of which they are ex- 
travagantly fond) from wine glasses used by us ; but they will not drink 
water contained in any earthen vessel, which may have been touched 
by other classes. Many of them believe the essence or soul of a man to 
lie in his shadow, and consequently will relinquish boiling rice or 
other food, while preparing, if the shade of a different caste person fall 
upon it. 

Their standard dish (as it is both meat and drink to them) is ‘‘ Eely,” 
or rice beer. It consists of rice and water boiled and mashed together, 
and then left to ferment for three days, with a piece of “ Rannoo” 
(a bitter root) to aid the process ; of this all classes, ages, and sexes, 
partake, many of them intemperately. In their hunting parties it 
often forms their sole sustenance for two or three days. The drink is 
not badly flavoured, and use would make it, I should think, just as 
palatable as our common small beer ; it causes moderate inebriation, 
and all classes appear after their meals slightly “ jollified” by it. 
They seldom drink to a disgusting excess, and quarrels from intoxica- 
tion are not of common occurrence. The Soondees, a spirit manufac- 
turing class of Hindoos, are numerous throughout Singbhoom, and 
make a strong distillation of the Mowhooa berry, called by the Hos 
‘ arkee ;” of this the latter, left to themselves, do not much partake, 
preferring their own beer. 

As yet, commerce has been scarcely at all introduced into the Kole- 
han ; the people, among whom poverty is unknown, remain contented 
with the spoils of the chase, and the limited produce of their fields, 
which are only cultivated in sufficiency to meet present want. They 
are bad husbandmen, and no agricultural works on a large scale, such 
vas tanks and bunds to meet the exigencies of a dry season, are met 
with in the country. The “ levelling system” obtains so much among 
them, that there is no farmer or landholder in the country with 
capital sufficient to go through with such a work. The former lords 
of the soil, the ‘“‘ Surawuks” (Hindoos), excavated many fine tanks, 
the traces of which still remain ; they have all however been destroyed 
by the Hos, who let out the water for the sake of sowing the rich mud 
at the bottom ; or have allowed them, through superstitious motives, 

1840. } The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 805 

to fill up from neglect. Being an undulating country, their rice 
cultivation is restricted to nullahs and water-courses, over which they 
form fields, by choking up the stream with soil brought from the 
“Tarn,” or upland, a process of infinite toil. An inferior kind of rice, 
** Gora dhan,” is sown in the uplands, and the jungle tribes cultivate 
the hills up to their summits with cotton, moong, oorid, chunna, til, 
surgoojia, tobacco, &c. ; such common esculents as the jingee, khukra, 
cucumber, pumpkin, maize, and baugun, are grown in their villages ; 
also vast quantities of the castor oil tree, of the kut’hul, or ‘ jack’, and 
mangoe trees, which the Surawuks planted in numbers, but few 
now remain. The Hos prize much more the tamarind, which is met 
with in every village, and grows in great luxuriance. 

Vast quantities of the Tusser worm are reared in the “ Assun” jun- 
gles throughout the country, the proprietors of which preserve them 
with great jealousy and care. The cocoons are sold to bead merchants, 
who come annually to barter them in return for necklaces. The silk is 
manufactured at Serykela, Bankoorah, and Medneepoor, that from the 
former being most prized. In tending the young worms, much the 
same ceremonies are gone through as by the people in the Sunderbunds ; 
fasting, continence, and cleanliness, being considered indispensable. 
The Hos travel all the way to Poory for the sake of purchasing salt ; 
they are allowed to bring it laden on bullocks through Kewnjur, by 
paying toll; but in passing through Baumenghattee, a nearer and bet- 
ter road, salt on bullocks is seized and confiscated by the Mohenbunj 
Raja. Bangy loads are however suffered to pass on payment of some 
douceur. There is no Government gola nearer than Medneepoor or 
Bankoorah. | 

Vast numbers of cattle are bred in the country ; the Hos do not 
tend them themselves, but deliver them over to Gwallas, with whom 
they keep little account, until the cattle are required as payment 
on marriage occasions. The latter accordingly make a good thing 
of their charge, selling the milk and ghee, and often the cattle 
themselves. Great quantities of the latter, and also of buffaloes, are 
sold to Tamarias for the most trifling prices, besides numbers stolen 
or swindled away by their customers, who are notorious cheats 
and robbers. In former times, when the Hos used to make “ Raids” 
over the borders, and harry the cattle of their neighbours, these little 

806 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan).  [No. 104. 

filchings were not so much minded, but now that their excursions have 
been put a stop to, the owners get more careful, and keep a better 
look out on the Gwallas. The sheep also, which are numerous in 
some parts, have been pronounced by judges to be equal to the Patna 
mutton for the table ; but these and goats, as well as poultry, the 
Hos part with with difficulty, as they require them for their 
sacrifices, &c. A peculiarity in the country, is the immense flocks 
of pigeons, which breed in every village, and afford the poorest a 
delicacy at all seasons. With money the Hos are getting pretty well 
acquainted, but still hold copper coin in great disdain, seldom taking 
the trouble to count a large quantity, but reckoning it by handfuls, 
to the unfeigned astonishment of our Hindoo servants, who would 
squabble for the tenth part of a cowree. 

In summing up this account of the Hos race by a description of 
their general character, their virtues and vices, I may perhaps fall 
into the error of a little partiality in their favour; three years constant 
intercourse with them, in which their love of truth, their honesty, 
their obliging willingness, and their happy ingenuous disposition, form- 
ed so striking a contrast to the mass of the people in Hindustan, 
may perhaps have induced me to pass lightly over faults to which 
they are but too liable ; but this error (a pleasing one) is I imagine 
shared with me, by all the European residents who were at 
Chyebassa. Whether the duplicity and bad propensities of Hindoos 
in general, be owing to their intercourse with us, or whether it 
be inherent among them, is a point at present mooted, and not be de- 
cided by myself. But among this simple race, the reputed evils 
of civilization have not yet commenced to be felt; and fervently is 
it to be trusted, though, alas, the hope may be Utopian, that the 
introduction of our Courts of Justice, in checking the lawless tendency 
of the Koles, may not destroy those virtues which are inherent to 
a primitive state of society. The unhappy feuds which, handed 
down through generations, formerly existed among them, were owing 
rather to mistaken notions of honour, than to more malignant feelings ; 
and the best proof of this, is the ease with which through a little timely 
advice, quarrels a l’outrance of the oldest standing have been made 
up, and whole clans readily reconciled to each other. After the first 
rough settlements of this country had been made, this became the 

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 807 

especial care of that truly wise and benevolent man, Major Wilkinson, 
the late Political Agent of the South-West Frontier,* and fortunate was 
it, that his excellent arrangements were so well seconded by the 
inherent good feelings of the people, for whose welfare they were 
directed. The depredations committed by the Hos formerly on 
their neighbours, for the sake of driving off their cattle, were chiefly, if 
not entirely, at the instigation of the Hindoo Zemindars around, 
who employed them to wreak their own malice on their neighbours, 
and indeed the Hos served them, in a manner, as mercenary hordes. 
Their forays were never marked by cruelty or unnecessary violence, 
nor except when they were openly resisted, was ever life taken. 
A fearful number of people (among themselves) have fallen sacrifices to 
the horrid superstitions respecting witchcraft ; but such crimes, 
common to the barbarous ages of all nations, and but too prevalent 
formerly in our own, must be, by the impartial observer, attributed 
more to the depravity of the judgment than the heart. The 
"superstition still continues, but the horrors resulting from it have 
almost entirely ceased. But cold blooded murder for the sake of gain, 
robbery, even pilfering, lying, deceit, dishonesty, even of the most 
_venial kind, are almost unknown, and looked upon with disgust. 
The truth and integrity of a Kole are well known, and the fidelity 
of their wives, and modesty of the females in general, proverbial. 

_ They are on the whole a light-hearted and good-natured race, 
irascible, though quickly appeased. But so strong is their sense 
of injury, that a harsh word suddenly spoken, will produce the most 
serious results; for this reason they seldom quarrel, and terms 
| (epithets) of abuse are unknown in the language ; among females the 
mere hearing of a few words of reproach will induce them to commit 
suicide, and this crime among both sexes is so frightfully prevalent, as 
to afford no parallel in any known country. The mere banter- 
jing a lad on his predilection for any girl, has led to self-destruction ; 
jokes of an injurious nature they do not understand, and indeed 
seldom or ever indulge in them, although in the most harmless way. 
Beggars are scarcely known in the country, but the Hos are charitable 
ito those deserving aid, and hospitable to strangers to the same de- 


* Now Resident at the Court of the Raja of Nagpore (Berar. ) 
5 Kk 

808 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan.)  {No. 104. 

gree as Arabs of the desert, for it is thought a sign of enmity to 
stop even at the door-way without a ‘stirrup cup’ of Eely. Among 
their chief faults may be reckoned indolence, and dirt. The poorer 
people are often very filthy, and unless in the warm season, seldom 
touch water. .The lowest classes will not object to devouring bullocks 
that have died, from disease, out in the fields, even though far ad- 
vanced in decomposition, and will devour stale eggs, half-putrid fish, 
&c. &c. But these filthy customs are confined to the very lowest and 
poorest of the people. 

Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, and the adjacent Districts. By Captain 
_Fisuer, formerly Superintendent of Kachar and Jynta. 

The provinces of Bengal east of the Brahmaputra, though among the 
earliest acquisitions of the British in India, attracted but little attention 
for a long time, in consequence of their general tranquillity and secluded 
position. The vast mountain regions by which they were encompassed 
on their external frontiers, seemed to secure them against the chance 
of serious foreign invasion, while the incursions of the wild hill tribes 
had but slight effects on their internal condition, and were easily 
curbed by a few local troops retained chiefly for that purpose. If 
Sylhet excited but little interest, still less was naturally thought of 
the petty independent states connected with it; and it was only after 
the Burmans had conquered Assam and Manipur, that a wish seems to 
have arisen for a more accurate knowledge of their condition ; though 
this was still greatly restrained by fear of giving umbrage to their chiefs. 
The events arising out of the Burmese war have materially altered 
the relations of all these countries, on which, however, it is not my 
purpose here to enlarge, but simply to bring to notice such facts 
respecting their geography, internal condition, resources, and traditional 
history, as in the course of a long residence, and the prosecution of 
various inquiries, I have been able to collect ; restricting myself however 
to the correction of current errors, and the notice of such particulars 
as have not hitherto obtained general publicity. 

Geography.—The survey of Sylhet, though unfinished, has yet been 
prosecuted far enough to shew, that the area of the district is more 

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 809 

considerable than had been supposed. As the external boundaries 
towards the Tippera hills, Kachar, and the Kasia mountains have been 
traced, and the outline is only incomplete on the western side, on which 
it is not likely any material difference from the old delineation would 
be discovered, it is likely that the contents (4500 square miles, ) now 
assigned for it, is pretty near the truth. The quarter in which the 
most considerable error has been found in the old map is the southern, 
which Rennell does not seem to have visited; and here many of his 
positions have been found from ten to forty miles too much to the 
north. The topography too of this part has been amended, the chains 
of hills, or rather ridges, having been ascertained to consist of several 
parallel ranges, separated by wide and fertile vallies, and ranging north 
and south, instead of east and west, as before supposed. Some of these 
ridges also are found to be partly in Sylhet, and partly in Tippera, 
amd in two or three instances they penetrate deeply into the former 

On the side of Kachar, the boundary of Sylhet has been traced south- 
ward to Chatrchura, a conical peak on the Banka range of hills, the 
country about which is frequented by the Pytu Kukis, a wild wandering 
tribe, who migrate from this their north-west limit, eastward to Tung- 
hum, and southward to an unknown extent, their cognate tribes being 
found in the neighbourhood of Chittagong. 

In Lower Kachar a complete survey of the cultivated tracts has been 
effected, the principal rivers traced, and in particular the course of the 
Delaseri from the southward, followed through a part which heretofore 
presented only a blank in the map. This tracing, was, however, 
executed by one of my native surveyors, after circumstances had put 
it out of my power to conduct it myself. 

Captain Pemberton’s surveys in Manipur fix the eastern boundary 
of Kachar, but points of junction between our surveys occur at Aquee, 
in the Naga Hills, and on the Bohman range. 

In Upper Kachar a line has been traced along the Jatingah river 
to its source, and thence to a point on the Di-yung, at which it be- 
comes navigable for small boats, beyond which I had no opportunity of 
proceeding northward, but the remainder of the route into Assam was 
explored by Captain Jenkins, whose valuable Report illustrates the 
whole of this country. The survey, however, in this quarter was 

810 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104. 

carried far enough to fix the courses of the great streams and ridges, 
and to establish a relation with the route pursued by Captain Pem- 
berton from Manipur into Assam, the great ridge crossed by him being 
in this survey traced westward to its termination in a number of 
ramifications on the Modura river. The fact of most interest ascer- 
tained by this part of the survey, is the facility with which a road 
could be formed from the navigable limit of the Jotingah to that of 
the Di-yung, by which the intercourse with Upper Assam would be 
greatly extended, and its communication with Calcutta shortened. So 
gentle is the ascent, and so few are the obstacles, that there seems 
no reason to doubt, a road for carts might be made with very little 

Returning westward, the survey fixes the boundaries of Jynta, and 
much ofthe mountain tract immediately north of Sylhet and Pondua, 
including the country between Chirra Ponji and Nunklao. It thgp 
traces the outline of Sylhet at the foot of the Kasia Hills, and is 
prolonged to Sowara, on the banks of the Brahmaputra, from which it 
follows the old channel of this river to Naraingunj and Dacca. The 
object of this last portion of the work was to connect the survey and 
a series of astronomical observations made for longitude at the town 
of Sylhet, with a position which had been well fixed by Mr. Walter 
Ewer of the Civil Service, and to which the Assam Survey had also 
been referred. For many of these observations, which were made on 
the transit of the moon and stars, I was so fortunate as to obtain cor- 
responding passages at Greenwich. Dacca was included also as a well 
fixed point, but chiefly because the water communication between 
it and Sylhet, was found to be very erroneously delineated in the old 
maps, in consequence apparently of changes in the course of the rivers 
below Azmerigunj. Correct outlines were made of these, though they 
do not appear in the new printed map, for which it is to be supposed 
they were too late. 

The minute operations carried on in the prosecution of the Revenue 
Survey have afforded an opportunity for acquiring a more intimate 
knowledge of the topography, resources, and husbandry of the interi- 
or, and these complete the list of the several inquiries pursued. 

Aspect and Geology.—The physical aspect of this vast tract, presents 
great variety, and cannot of course be described under one term. 

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 811 

Even in the plains there is less of uniformity than would be supposed 
on a casual inspection, and the experienced agriculturist well knows 
that the lands in the eastern part of Sylhet, and in Lower Kachar, 
are far more valuable than those to the westward, even up to the banks 
of the Megna. This is explained by the greater elevation of those parts, 
and by the number of hill streams passing through them, the banks of 
which are always higher than the adjacent country. The vegetation, as 
well as the husbandry of these tracts, is greatly influenced by this par- 
ticular, of which I shall take more notice hereafter. 

The hill regions may be conveniently separated into two divisions, 
distinguished by great difference of elevation, the point of separation 
being fixed on the Soormah at Luckipuf in Lower Kachar, to the 
south-west of which, whatever elevations present themselves, are under 
two thousand feet, while those in the north-west still maintain a much 
greater altitude, and even tower occasionally above six thousand feet. 
But the division is more appropriate on account of a decisive differ- 
ence in structure, the northern mountains forming clearly one system, 
while those of the south belong to another, having reference to high 
ground in the central parts of Tippera, the existence of which cannot 
be doubted, though it has never been unequivocally proved. In sup- 
“port of this opinion, I must first point out that the numerous streams 
flowing from the southward into the Soorma and Kusiara rivers, and 
of which the very existence was scarcely known before this Survey was 
made, are many of them of a force and volume indicating a long 
course, and shewing them to be the drains of high land, from which 
alone they would draw the water which they discharge, for the 
Delaseri, the Sungai, the Munu, the Khwa-hi, and the Cognati streams 
appear to furnish during the rains on an average a discharge of about 
25,000 cubic feet per second; a quantity quite inconsistent with any 
supposition, but that of long courses and elevated origins, as none of 
these rivers are more than fifty yards in width. 

If a reference be now made to some of the older maps on which the 
other rivers of Tippera are traced, it will be found that the Gumti, 
which emerges at Commilla, has an east and west course, and that the 
Chingri and Kurumphuli, which debouche at Chittagong, run nearly 
southward, while the Kola-dyng, as delineated on more recent maps, 
has a south-west course, and the river of the Kungfui Nagas falling 

812 Memoir of Sythet,Kachar, & adjacent Districts. (No. 104. 

into the Manipur river, flows to the south-east. I may add, that the 
Tipai river which falls into the Barak near Soor, has like the Sonai and 
Delaseri a northern course. Thus these considerable streams radiate 
from land in the unexplored regions of Tippera, somewhere between 
the 23rd and 24th parallels of north latitude, and 91° and 94° of E. 
longitude, which is unfortunately still a blank in our maps. 

I have enlarged on this subject, because I conceive it is one which 
when attentively considered, will be found of great interest, involving 
the condition of a tract of country, our ignorance of which, in some 
conjunctures we might have oceasion to deplore. 

Both the hills and vallies of Tippera are thickly wooded, and the latter 
often contain extensive grass jungles, the resort of wild elephants. The 
most eastern portion of the northern range of mountains is occupied 
by Upper Kachar, a wild and thickly wooded tract, the mountains of 
which sometimes attain an elevation of five thousand feet, but offer 
considerable diversity in that respect, as they here break into branches 
of the great ridge running between Manipur and Assam. The river 
Kupili, flowing into the Brahmaputra, marks the limit of this tract, and 
the termination of that vast system of hills which stretches westward 
from the unexplored country to the north-east of Manipur. 4 

The Kasia mountains rise immediately from the valley of the Kupili, 
and range westward to Laour, near which they are bounded by the 
Patli river, the hills west of that belonging to the Garrows, and being 
distinguished by an aspect and structure of their own. 

Much has been written on the Kasia mountains during the last ten 
years that they have been visited by Europeans, but I am not aware 
that any attempt has been made to account for their peculiarities, nor 
would I now undertake the task, but that I fear it will be left undone 
by those who could perform it so much better. The physical aspect 
of these hills excites the strong attention of the observer, as being so 
greatly at variance with that of the whole country in their neighbour- 
hood. The barrenness of the table land, more especially in its southern 
portion, where not only does nature yield but little, but where art is 
found unable to assist her, is perhaps unprecedented in such a climate. 
This sterility will, I think, be found to be closely connected with the 
character of the rocks, and the disturbance of the strata, but more 
especially with the latter, for where these are horizontal, there is an 

1840.; Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 813 

absence of vegetation, and wherever the strata are inclined to the 
_ horizon, symptoms of fertility begin to shew themselves. 

The absence of any well marked appearance of the unstratified rocks 
is remarkable in the Kasia hills, for I am aware only of one instance in 
which they are said to shew serpentine; having, it is said, been seen near 
Nungklao, a locality which however I had no opportunity of examining. 
It is true, granite is found, but except at the Okillon hill, always in boul- 
ders on the surface, nor has it ever been seen in peaks or amorphous 
masses, to the protrusion of which, the dip of the secondary strata 
is usually referred. Except in the single instance of the limestone 
which occurs near Musmai, I think it may be said that there is no 
appearance of a disturbance in the sandstone bed by which the country 
between that place and the Bogapani is filled, and of which the thick- 
ness is unknown; now this part (and others similar to it) is remarkably 
sterile; but wherever the level of the strata has been disturbed, whe- 
ther by internal igneous action, or by any force of a more limited 
range, a disintegration of the rocks, and consequent accumulation of 
soil at the foot of the slope formed, has taken place, and vegetation to 
a greater or less extent ensued. Thus the slopes formed at the out- 
crop of the sandstone with the limestone near Musmai are all well 
- covered with wood, which disappears as the slope subsides into the 
ordinary level of the table land. And in general throughout the 
ascent from the plains to Chirra, after the limits of the lower bed of 
limestone have been passed, it may be observed that vegetation is 
dense only on the slopes, and that wherever ledges or steps occur, 
they are comparatively barren. 

The total rise between the foot of the mountains and Chirra, seems 
to be about one in ten feet, but subject to great irregularity, while 
between Chirra and the south bank of the Bogapani, it amounts only to 
one in forty, with comparatively little variation. 

All the vallies on this side terminate in precipitous heads, exhibiting 
the horizontal position of the sandstone. 

To the northward of the Bogapani, the aspect of the country changes, 
and though the altitude is greater, the vegetation is also more consider- 
able, and continually increases until between Myrung and Nungklao 
it becomes abundant, though it does not yet exhibit that excess which 
prevails further to the north and west. A feature will be here found to 


814 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104. 

force itself on the attention, to which unquestionably the increase of 
vegetation in this part is to be traced; I allude to the numerous and 
large granite boulders which are scattered in such abundance over the 
country as to be occasionally mistaken for the crust or surface. The 
granite has however never, as I before observed, been seen in any form 
but that of boulders, nor is there any well established instance of 
these having been seen otherwise than on, or partially imbedded 
in the surface. I should remark, that the mass of granite, well 
known as the Okillon, near Nungun and west of the Nungklao road, 
may be considered of a dubious form, for though the dimensions are 
enormous, the shape of the exposed part is that of a boulder. The dis- 
integration of these boulders has of course largely contributed to 
the formation of soil, especially when favoured by the configuration of 
the ground, but wherever the boulders are missing, and the strata 
preserve their horizontal position, vegetation remains likewise defi- 

As I am more anxious to record facts than to broach theories, I will 
not indulge in speculations on the variation of the structure of these hills 
from those around them, but content myself with observing, that there 
‘is nothing in what I have pointed out at all inconsistent with the more 
recent opinions as to the order, classification, and superposition of 
the different rocks; for though none of the unstratified rocks have been 
seen in the positions which they might be expected to occupy in the 
centre of the mountains, there is still no reason why they may not occu- 
py a place under the sandstone, and have thus effected its up-lifting 
without themselves protruding to the surface. Further inquiries may 
throw light upon this subject, which is worthy of very great attention, 
for if there be sufficient ground for the opinion here thrown out, the 
geology of this country will furnish a strong proof of the igneous origin of 
the unstratified rocks, and their more recent appearance above the surface. 

I have already remarked, that a bed of limestone extends along the 
foot of the hills near Pundua, having its out-crop about five hundred 
feet above the plains, where it abuts on the sandstone. The direction 
of this bed is nearly east and west, and though frequently broken 
through by rivers, it is continued westward (declining however in 
elevation as it proceeds) to Bunsikura, where it is found in contact 
with the plain, from which in other parts it is always separated by clay 


1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 815 

and sand hills of alluvial formation. The coal found at Laour rests on 
this limestone, which abounds in fossil shells, among which the principal 
are Terebratula and Producta. The cavern of Boobanis situated in this 
limestone, but no measures have been employed to ascertain if it con- 
tains any fossil remains. 

The few facts which I am able to add on the geology of the whole 
country under review, may not improperly find their place here, as they 
can be of value only when taken collectively to illustrate the general 

In Upper Kachar the dense woods have materially impeded obser- 
vation, and I can only say, that the table land is there absent, as well as 
the granite boulders, and that the formation is of primary sandstone, 
upon which an alluvial formation is posited. No fossil remains have 
been procured from this quarter. 

The Tippera hills, in the more elevated parts of which we have any 
knowledge, exhibit primary sandstones underlying an alluvial formation, 
in which fossil remains are found in sufficient quantity, but no great 
variety. Those within my own observation have been Madrepires and 
fossil wood. The alluvial formation over the eastern part of Sylhet 
and Lower Kachar is of the same nature with that of Tippera, being 
similar in structure and material. ‘The common feature is a kind of 
breccia, which is found in masses varying from a mere pebble to enor- 
mous blocks of many thousand tons weight, and these are imbedded 
in the clay or sand hills near the surface (never stratified), often in 
connexion with a thin stratum of a substance exhibiting a highly 
metallic appearance, and which seems to be oxide of iron. It is impos- 
sible to examine these black blocks, which on fracture display numer- 
ous concavities, without entertaining the suspicion of their volcanic 
origin ; but any doubts on this head must cease on looking at the masses 
of lava by which they are often accompanied, for that the shapeless 
lumps to which I allude have been in a state of fusion, admits of no 
question, being proved by their vitrious lustre, close and brittle texture, 
and by the presence of blisters formed by the air during the process of 
cooling. I abstain from noticing the localities of the coal beds, salt 
wells, and Petroleum spring, as they have been heretofore described. 

It must be acknowledged that our geological knowledge of this quar- 
ter is still lamentably defective, and that the materials for drawing a 


816 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104. 

section of the rocks in their exact order from Thibet, across Assam, 

Sylhet, and Tippera, are still to be collected. - 
The points of interest remaining for examination within this division 

are :-—— 

Ist. The course of the Kupeli river from its source to its confluence — 

with the Di-yung, in the valley between Upper Kachar and Jynte. It 

is likely to pass through a country the geology of which must deserve — 
attention, as the structure of the opposite sides of the valley must be — 

essentially different, the one upholding a table land, the other running 
up into peaks and ridges, while the possibility that the river may offer 
a navigable communication with some point easy of access from the 
side of Sylhet, is an additional reason for examining it. 

2nd. The course of the Patli river near Laour. This river divides 
the Kasia hills from the Garrows, and its valley must exhibit similar 
diversity in the structure of its opposite sides with that of the Kupeli. 

3rd. I have already pointed out the interest that attaches to the 
country in the middle parts of Tippera, and I may here add, that the 

geology of this quarter must be valuable, as it is likely to be connected k 

with the system of mountains which separates Arracan from Pegu, and 

to contain the extinct craters from which the volcanic remains above 2 

noticed have issued. 

To conclude this account of the very diversified aspect of the country, — 
the vast semi-basin enclosed on the northern, eastern, and much of 
the southern side by the mountains above described, may be conveni- r 
ently divided into two tracts, distinguished from each other by differ- 
ence of level, and by dissimilarity of vegetable and agricultural produce, — 
as well as by their capacity for commodious habitations and occupa- © 
tions. A line drawn SE. from Chattak passing west of Tajpur, — 
through Nubigunj, and thence under the hills southward to Turruf, will — 

serve very nearly to separate these tracts. 

That to the westward, extending nearly to the Brahmaputra, is in ; 
most parts always marshy, and the whole is subject to periodical 7 
inundations of long duration, being in general under water from April 4 
to the middle of November. The towns and villages, which in some - 

parts, more especially to the southward, are numerous, are built on 

mounds raised with earth dug during the dry season; the houses are 
in clusters, huts for men, temples, mosques, and sheds for cattle, being — 

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 817 

huddled together in a manner that gives to them the appearance rather 
of the temporary abode of fugitives, than the settled residence of a 
people. This tract is called Bhatta, apparently from its lowness, and 
seems to have been conquered by the Mussulmans before the rest of 

The eastern division is on a higher level, and rises gradually towards 
the mountains on either side; notwithstanding this, the marshes which 
occasionally occur, might lead to a different belief; but these are very 
limited in extent, and occupy distinct hollows, and the fact of general 
rise is proved by the course of the rivers, which without it could never 
exhibit those strong currents for which they are remarkable. 

The irregularities of the surface are referable to three distinct causes : 

Ist. Several ranges of the alluvial formation crossing it run up into 
ridges, from one to three hundred feet in height. 

2nd. The vallies formed by these ranges rise from the centre towards 
either side, where the land being above the level of ordinary inundations, 
is peculiarly adapted for agricultural purposes, and is called Do-fusilya, | 
or that of two harvests. 

3d. The banks of the Surma and all the hill streams are occupied 
by land cultivable for two yearly crops, which however here owes its 
origin to a different cause, having been thrown up by the rivers in 
working their channels through the plain. 

I have here much satisfaction in bringing to notice one of those rare 
instances in which the interests of a portion, however small, of the 
Indian community have been manifestly benefited by the adoption 
of conclusions emanating solely from European foresight and observa- 
tion. A causeway constructed by the Mogul Government along the 
left bank of the Surma, and intended to restrain its inundations, was 
kept up at a considerable expence by the British Government, until the 
mischievous consequences which have followed the maintenance of 
similar erections on the Po and Adige, in Italy, having been brought to 
notice, it was, about twenty years ago, abandoned, and the river allowed 
to take its natural course. Contrary to the expectations of many, no harm 
followed ; the river occasionally rose for a short time above its banks, 
but the inundation ran off rapidly, and it seldom happened that any 
injury was done. It was soon, however, observed, that wherever the 
river overflowed its banks, a sediment was left, which both raised and 

818 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104. 

improved the land, and in consequence people far from dreading 
the inundation, soon learnt to turn it to account; and having banked 
such lands as were fit for the purpose, led the river to them by narrow 
canals, which they closed after the flow of water was deemed sufficient, 
and re-opened when the river had fallen sufficiently to allow it to run — 
off. This practice is now quite common, and by it much marshy land — 
has been reclaimed. The low lands in the Eastern parts of the country 
may all in time be filled up by the sediment left by the inundations of 
the rivers, but these are in reality so rare, and of such short duration, 
that more will be effected by art than nature in this way. It 
must be remembered, that the ordinary inundation which fills the 
marshes does not proceed from the rivers but is furnished by the rains, 
and yields no sediment, this distinction is, of course, not to be over- 
looked in the execution of the operation above described. 
Husbandry.—The agricultural processes in the Bhatta are very 
simple, and may be briefly dismissed. As soon as the inundation 
begins to subside, or in the beginning of November, such lands as are 
sufficiently high for the purpose, are ploughed and sown for rice and 

millet, the crop being cut in April. Gardens and orchards are unknown, 

and the cultivation derives the smallest possible aid from the labour 
which in other parts is so productive. There are neither sugarcane ~ 
patches, plantations of pan, vine, chillies, nor vegetables,—a little — 
sursoo, and hemp, with some gourds and cucumbers about the huts, — 
appear occasionally, but in limited quantity. The marshes are however — 
filled with cattle, from which profits are derived sufficient to make ~ 
the occupation of these desolate tracts desirable. Ghee and cheese ~ 
are made from the milk of buffaloes and cows, and the upper lands are : 
furnished with young bullocks for the plough in numbers, being — 
driven to bazars and fairs in the spring of the year, before the return : 
of the inundation in May and June, after which months they are ~ 
confined to their sheds, and supported on green fodder brought in — 
boats from the jhils. The people here are extensively concerned in q 
the transport of grain, being the carriers between the high lands east- 

ward and the country to the south-west. The husbandry of the 
eastern quarter is of a far more elaborate description, though it has not o 
yet exhausted the resources of art on the one hand, nor those of nature uf : 
on the other. A fertile soil, renewed continually by accumulations from 

1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 819 

the hills, copious supplies of rain, with immunity from excessive inun- 
dation, are among the advantages enjoyed by this favoured tract. The 
character too of the scenery here becomes peculiar, and is sufficiently 
marked to call for its separation from that of India generally. - Vast 
sheets of cultivation, extending for miles along the banks of the Surma 
and other streams, intersected by splendid groves of trees and bamboos, 
forming shelter for extensive villages, and occasionally by low ranges 
of wooded hills, and backed always by mountains either near or 
distant, form an endless succession of gratifying scenes, on which the 
eye rests with pleasure, and which, whether beheld by the agricultural 
economist estimating the resources of the land, by the philanthrophist 
rejoicing in the welfare of his fellow men, or by the lover of the pic- 
turesque, must always excite the most pleasurable emotions. But I 
must not wander from the simple account which I proposed to furnish 
in this paper. 

The ploughing season here begins in the middle of January, when 
the lower descriptions of land destined for the Aumun crop are first 
broken up; the higher soon follow, though it is usual to reserve such, 
on account of the hardness of the soil, until the first showers which 
fallin February. Before the end of March all the lands are sown, and 
in July or August the first crop is reaped from the higher lands alone, 
which are again ploughed and sown for an autumnal crop in November 
and December. It will readily be understood, that the aumun lands 
are subject to inundation, though not commonly to the extent which 
would endanger the crop, and I must here more particularly explain 
their position, which may else seem not very reconcilable with parts 
of the foregoing description. I have said that the western division 
is subject to excessive inundation,—may be marked by a line running 
southward from the neighbourhood of Chattak ; and this is true gener- 
ally, though a few considerable gulfs cut into the eastern quarter, 
running up for some miles, more especially between the courses of 
the great rivers, and form petty jhils of great depth, which are un- 
culturable. The aumun lands are situated on the sides of these and 
similar jhils, but their cultivation is very different from that of the 
Bhatta country, the crop in them remaining on the ground throughout 
the rainy season, and being in consequence very abundant and rich, 
while that of the Bhatta, grown only in the winter, is both scanty and of 

820 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104. 

inferior quality. These jhils branching from the Bhatta, I should 
observe, obstruct the cross communications in the higher country, and 
render it impassable for travellers from about April or May, until the 
middle or end of November, but do not affect the cultivation materially. 
The ordinary products are dhan, dhal, and kulaie, of all which 
there are many varieties: the grain is usually divided into two classes, 
called from the situation in which it has been grown Sayl, and 
Aumun; among these the subdivisions seem to be infinite, and I 
should add, that they are not mere fanciful distinctions, but made with 
reference to well marked peculiarities, either of quality or fruition. 
Thus among the Sayl, which grows on the high lands, there are grains 
which come to maturity in the short space of six weeks, while there 
are others, as the Burwa, which can be raised on the Aumun lands in 
the winter. It may not readily attract attention, but the careful 
inquirer will, I think, find it no small advantage, that there are so many 
grains whose times of coming to perfection are unequal, as they afford, 
under proper management, a sure resource against the loss of crops of 
more ample, but more slow growth. All the Sayl grains are raised on 
seedling land and transplanted, and this practice extends, under 
favourable circumstances, to the Aumun, the increased productiveness 
consequent, being well known. As a point of some interest in Indian 
husbandry, and on which doubts have been entertained, I may state from 
personal knowledge, that manures are frequently and extensively used. 
My occupation, as a Revenue Surveyor, gave me frequent opportunities 
of making this observation in the most unexceptionable manner, and 
that the practice is not readily avowed, I attribute to the fear on the 

part of the cultivator that any practice which attracts the notice of a 

European functionary, will be made the ground for increased assessment. 

Irrigation is never found necessary except for the winter crops, but 
if wheat was cultivated, which experiment has shewn to be perfectly 
feasible in the cold season, water could be had in abundance for the 
purpose, and in the same way, barley, oats, and potatoes, have all been 
raised by me in Kachar on terms which prove their culture would be 
highly profitable. 

In attempting to estimate the profits of agriculture, and the condition 
of the people employed in it, I should premise, that the minute sub- 
division of the proprietory right to land which obtains in Sylhet, has 

1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 821 

been accompanied by those consequences which have been observed in 
other countries similarly circumstanced, and that while the industry 
exhibited in the cultivation of the petty taluks by their proprietors is 
very admirable, the want of capital, by which their capabilities might 
be increased, is but too apparent. I am not however sure, that the 
physical comfort of the people is as yet diminished by this circumstance, 
for it is certain that the means of subsistence are in abundance, and I 
have no hesitation in saying, that I have no where seen a population 
among whom the ordinary wants of nature were so easily and cheaply 
supplied. But though there is an efficient and permanent demand for 
produce, the want of capital, or rather its excessive dissemination, 
effectually prevents the adoption of means by which the cultivator 
might derive from his land those profits, which it is calculated to yield. 
I must here meet an old and often urged objection, that it is the 
Government exactions which check improvement, by observing, that 
this is one of the lowest taxed districts in India, the average rate of 
assessment being somewhere about four annas per head, or one rupee 
one anna on the adult males alone, while the wages of labour are 
from two and a half to three rupees a month. A rate therefore which 
exacts on an average the value of ten days labour from each man in the 
year, cannot be considered excessive, at least when compared with the 
average for all India, which is above seven times higher. It is there- 
fore to the dissemination of capital that the absence of improvement 
is entirely attributable, and the state of the land tenures therefore in 
this district is well worth the attention of the Indian financier, shewing 
as it does the condition to which, under the existing laws of inheritance, 
every province in India is tending. 

No cultivator, whether proprietor or ryot, ever follows agriculture 
here as a speculation, or ventures to till a larger quantity of land than 
can be conveniently managed by himself and the members of his family, 
and if he raises grain sufficient for his annual expenditure, and a sur- 
plus equal to the payment of the Government revenue, his operations 
are considered successful. He employs the spare time, of which he 
has abundance, in other pursuits which do not require a capital, or only 
a very small one in money. ‘Thus the more considerable proprietors 
after letting the portion of their taluks which they do not find it 
convenient to cultivate themselves, often engage in the conduct of 

822 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. (No. 104. 

adventurers to the woods for timber, bamboos, grass, &c., or they clear 
land on the hills for cotton, build boats, and convey grain to the 
markets in the south, &c.; while the Ryots act as boatmen, coolies, and 
the like, in all which employments little or no cash outlay is required; 
but they subsist on grain raised in their own fields, while their wives 
and children niaintain themselves by making cloths, &c., for home 
consumption, or sale, carrying the produce of their gardens and orchards 
to market, and tending cattle. 

There is nothing very remarkable in all this perhaps, except that it 
exhibits a society among which the first steps in economical improve- 
ment have hardly been taken, the advantages of the division of labour 
not having yet been appreciated, or rather the introduction of that 
principle having been prevented, by the want of accumulated capital, to 
meet the expense and delay that must precede the more ample returns 
which it ensures. I will not enter into any estimate of the expenses 
‘attending the cultivation of land, and its return, as a farming specula- 
tion, although I have by me details on the point; but conclude this 
subject with observing, that at the existing rates of rent and labonr 
agriculture would return the former (independent of any improvements 
he might effect) about thirty per cent., on his capital. The common 
opinion, confirmed by the current price of estates, is, that money in- 
vested in land yields the proprietor from 12 to 15 per cent. 

Mill Agriculture.—Among the hill tribes, cultivation is very imper- 
fectly practised, and many therefore depend wholly on their intercourse 
with the plains; nor can it be said that any of them are at all times 
wholly secured from want by their own resources. The nature of the 
country in the south part of the Kasia mountains precludes agriculture, 
but in the central and northern parts rice is raised in considerable 
quantity, particularly in the little glens, and on the sides of the vallies, 
irrigation being practised, and the water brought to the field through 
narrow canals, and conveyed over hollows, or up heights, for short 
distances by hollow trunks of trees or bamboos, experience having 
taught the cultivator that water can be made to rise in tubes to the 
level of its source. The labouring season is in the spring, and the 
crop is cut in August and September. 

In the wooded parts of the mountains, by whomsoever occupied, 
whether Kacharies, Nagas, or Kukies, the cultivation is of a mixed 


1840.) Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 823 

description, consisting of cotton, rice, and sundry vetches, grown 
indiscriminately together in one large clearing. The ground for the 
crop is first prepared by the dao (or bill), the jungle when dried is 
burnt, and the ashes worked into the soil, which is then broken up by 
the hoe, and the seed planted or sown in March or April for a crop in 
September. The hills on the Sylhet and Tippera frontier are culti- 
vated in a similar manner by the natives of the plains, who form them- 
selves into associations periodically for the purpose of a trip into the 
hills, on a joint account, to cultivate cotton and cut wood and bamboos. 
The cotton thus obtained is not exported, indeed the quantity raised is 
barely sufficient for local consumption. It is short in the staple, but 
the cloths made from it being found to combine warmth with lightness, 
are in great esteem among the people. 

I proceed briefly to notice whatever appears peculiar among plants, 
vegetables, and fruits. 

Indigo is not cultivated in Sylhet, but though one or two trials have 
been unsuccessful, I think (with men of some experience) that with 
greater attention it would succeed. The climate cannot, as it has 
been supposed, be wholly unfavourable, seeing that the plant grows 
wild on the hills, and that a very excellent dye is obtained from it by 
the simple processes there in use. The certainty of having rain 
for the spring sowings, and the possibility of choosing the ground above 
the chance of inundation, are among the advantages which I anticipate 
for the cultivation of indigo in these tracts. 

Poppy, sugarcane, safflower, sursoo, and other plants yielding oil, 
flax and hemp, call for no particular notice, they are all cultivated with 
success in Kachar, Jynta, and (except the poppy) in the Eastern 
division of Sylhet. 

Oranges, together with the arica and pan vines, for which this coun- 
try is famous, are all the produce of the lower parts of the Kasia hills, 
growing only on the limestone strata. Arica of an inferior quality 
is indeed found all over Sylhet, but deteriorates in quality to the 
eastward, until in Kachar it wholly disappears. Among other fruits, 
the plaintain is peculiarly fine, but the mangoe is inferior, and is not 
found to improve to the eastward; the lemon is found wild in the 
Kasia hills, and the apricot and lichi in those of Kachar; and in 
general the vegetation exhibits so much variety, and there are so many 


824 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. (No. 104. 

new plants offering themselves, as we advance eastward, that this, with 
the similarity of climate to that of the southern parts of China, led to 
the inquiries originally commenced by the late Mr. Scott for the tea 
plant, which if it has not yet been discovered in a wild state so far to 
the westward, would probably succeed on some of the soils in the 
alluvial formations of Kachar or Tippera. Several cognate plants have 
been found, and genuine tea plants were raised in my garden from 
seeds in 1835. 

China root ,(Rhubarb?) and lignum aloes are mentioned as the pro- 
duce of Sylhet in the “ Ayin Akhbari,” but I never heard that either 
engaged the attention of the trader. 

Land Tenures and Revenue.—The tenures in Sylhet being derived 
mostly from the Mahomedan government, are similar to those of Bengal 
generally; but the ‘condition of the land, which is subdivided to an 
extent elsewhere unknown, excites the attention of every intelligent 
inquirer. The permanent settlement included Sylhet, and about that 
time there were I think 27,000 proprietors enrolled in the Collec- 
tor’s books, since when, in consequence of subdivisions which have 
been facilitated rather than checked by the law, the number has 
more than trebled, anda revenue of three and a half lacs is now 
collected from a hundred thousand proprietors. The only species of 
holding which seems unknown in Sylhet, is that of the village commu- 

nity, or Bhya chara, and this is the more remarkable, as something very — | 
like it still exists in Kachar and Assam, and there seems so much reason 
to believe that it attained over the whole of Sylhet, as a part of the — 
ancient Kamrup; indeed I think it will be found that it is to the break- : 
ing up of these communities, by admitting the individual holders to 7 
engagements with the State direct, that we must attribute the origin of — 
the extraordinary number of petty holdings in this district. Notwith- a 
standing the existence of some tenures of a different character in ‘ 

Assam, the most ancient form in that country, apparently, by which 

land was held, was under a grant from the prince addressed to a body 7 
of proprietors, who by it were erected into a corporation, called a Raj, — 


and who possessed the land on terms by which they were bound each 

for the other, and for the revenue of the whole estate. In Kachar this 
is unquestionable, and indeed up to a recent period no other form of 
tenure was known or acknowledged. The pecuniary wants of the late 

1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 825 

Rajahs led to the introduction among the Raj of titles borrowed from 
the Musalmans, such as Chrowdries, &c., but the ancient grants were 
directed only to the Bur Bhuyiah and Bhuyiah’s, names which clearly 
refer to the soil (ge) though they are not current beyond these coun- 
tries. In every Raj were certain classifications of the proprietors, 
made however without reference to the local positions of their estates, 
but according as they were charged with the payment of revenue to the 
prince direct, or to some one in whose favour he had made an assign- 
ment. These were called Khels, and the principal among them was 
the Khilmah, which paid to the Rajah, while all the others, as the 
Sang-jurai, Dekha-jurai, &c. after paying a fixed proportion only to 
-the prince, accounted for the balance to the’ Ranni, to the Jub Raj, or 
other holder of the assignment. The local administration and execu- 
tion of the prince’s orders were anciently intrusted to the Raj, subject 
only to an appeal to the Raja, and they had the power to settle land 
on terms similar to those by which they themselves held, transacting 
business in periodical meetings. 

I cannot detail the steps by which the power, consequence, and very 
nature of these corporations were destroyed ; but content myself with 
observing, that there is unquestionable evidence of the state of things I 
have described still extant in the country, while it is certain that 
the late Raja completed their subversion, and left to the Rajes nothing 
valuable but the name, by assessing each landholder according to the 
full extent of his cultivation, abolishing all local jurisdiction and autho- 
rity, whether in judicial or fiscal matters, and reducing all the proprie- 
tors to a footing of equality; though he still most inconsistently held 
them responsible collectively for the revenue of their Khels, making 
over the estates of defaulters to their management after they had in 
effect ceased to be a corporate body. 

Under every change the proprietors still retained their hereditary right 
in the soil, and the locality of each holding was ascertained from time to 
time by measurement, as the shares and boundaries of individuals 
varied continually under the influence of the laws of inheritance, 
though the boundaries of the Raj remained unchanged, unless by a 
Special grant made by the authority of the prince to a new corporation 
out of the unoccupied waste. Much of the cultivation, at least since the 
decline of the kingdom from its former consequence, was performed on 


826 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Distritcts. |No. 104. 

the smaller Taluks by the holders themselves, assisted by their families, 
but the larger proprietors leased their lands to Packhastyuts, retained 
some portion to be cultivated by their slaves, and assigned another 
to their hereditary Ryots, a class of people whose position was analo- 
gous to the Khudkhast Ryot on the one hand, and to that of agri- 
cultural slaves on the other; for while they had a right to cultivate 
at fixed rates, and cculd not be removed, they were at the same time 
not only answerable for the rent, but not at liberty to throw up their 
lands, or quit the property. 

I have been thus prolix in describing the Kachar tenures, because 
I think that an interest attaches to them on account of their antiquity, 
and because to them I*think the existing tenures in Assam and 
Sylhet may with truth be traced. I conclude that the land in the 
latter district while it formed a part of Kamrup, were held by Raj 
corporations precisely similar to those of Kachar; as the Mahomedan 
conquerors advanced, they altered the old state of things by admit- 
‘ting the members of the Raj to engage individually for the revenue; 
or still more frequently by making grants to Musalman chiefs and 
colonists, who soon found it their interest to compound with the ancient 
proprietors, and accept a portion only of the Raj land, in preference to 
having the whole thrown on their hands denuded of cultivators, who 
rather than remain on their hereditary estates in the reduced condition 
of Ryots, would emigrate to the eastward. The portions given up by 
the old occupants would consist of shares of each Taluk, not of a 
parcel under continuous boundaries; and hence probably. arose the 
strange intermixture of the lands composing the estates of the leading 

proprietors in Sylhet, which are commonly found in numerous small 

parcels, at great distances from each other. Acquisitions made subse- 
quently by purchase or inheritance, with the practice of allowing all 
lands belonging to one proprietor to be recorded in the Revenue 
Offices under one number, without reference to their locality, would 
of course in time swell the number of these isolations. 

It had always been the custom to regulate all revenue demands on the 
land where the separate holdings were so very small, by a measurement 
made with more or less accuracy ; and accordingly at the formation of 
the perpetual settlement in Sylhet a departure from the general rule by 
which such measurements were at the time prohibited, was sanctioned in 

1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 827 

that particular district. By the records of that survey, and consequent 
arrangements, it appears that only that portion of the district which was 
known to be occupied, and to which proprietory right distinctly attached, 
came under settlement, and though much of the land measured was 
recorded as junglah ; recent surveys shew that there must have been 
vast tracts of waste, which were not included in the operations of 
that time. The cultivation of these wastes has given rise to a 
legal question, which has employed the talents, and engaged the attention 
of some of the ablest civilians of our day. It is well known that by the 
provisions of the permanent settlement, the right of government to 
derive an increase of revenue from an extention of cultivation on 
the estates then settled, was declared to be given up for ever, and 
it was even added, that the advantage of this declaration should be 
conceded to those whose lands had been withheld from assessment 
by fraud, collusion, or mistake. But wastes which at the time of the 
settlement were not included within the known boundaries of any 
estate, could not by any possibility be contemplated in this arrangement ; 
and as it was known by general inquiries, which have since been 
confirmed by actual measurement, that the quantity of land under 
cultivation in Sylhet far exceeded the total on which the settlement had 
been concluded, it was quite clear that an acquisition had been made 
from the waste to which the government right for revenue would apply. 
Such lands have been called Halabadee, and have formed the subject 
of a most voluminous and intricate correspondence among the revenue 
officers for many years. 

The right of government to revenue from lands which have been 
reclaimed from the waste, and not included under the settlement, is 
admitted by all who have made themselves acquainted with the subject, 
but the difficulty is, to distinguish such lands; and its possibility is by 
some authorities wholly denied. On the part of the government it is 
urged, that documents founded on the old survey are still in existence 
shewing the superficial contents of each estate at the time of settlement, 
and that if on a measurement a Taluk is now found to contain more land 
than the gross amount (abadee and junglah) for which it was assessed, 
there can be no doubt that the excess has been derived from the waste, 
and indeed it does not appear, prima facie, that it could well be derived 
from any other source. 

828 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104. 

On the other side it is answered, that the documents alluded to 
cannot be relied on, and that even if they were worthy of more 
credit than can be conceded to them, still it would seem a good 
argument against a demand for increase of ‘“‘ jumma,” if the Talukdar 
were to urge that the total quantity of land in his estate was put down 
originally too small, either in consequence of “fraud, collusion, or 
mistake.” To this it has been rejoined, that there is of course no 
intention to deny the validity of such an objection in every case 
when it shall be satisfactorily established by evidence ; and the parties 
seem thus to be at issue on the point, whether the revenue officers t 
having shown that there is an excess of land, it rests with the Talukdar 
to prove that this excess was within his original boundary, or with the 
government to go one step further, and shew by additional proof that it 
was acquired from the waste. : 

In the course of this inquiry some documentary evidence was 
brought to light, calculated to facilitate the latter course of proceeding 4 
very much. This was contained in certain records prepared soon after — 
the settlement, and shewing the boundaries, locality, and estimated 
extent of the waste lands which had been reserved from the settle- 
ment. These papers were very incomplete, and did not include the 
whole of the wastes; but on a measurement of the lands indicated 
by them, a very considerable quantity of cultivation was elicited, upon 
which the claim for revenue was admitted, and a much larger quantity 
on which it was nearly certain it could be established. I have had — 
no opportunity of learning the result of these inquiries, having been 
removed from the district before they were completed. 

The revenue of Kachar was derived, at the time of its acquisition 
by us, from a land tax levied at a rate much higher than that of 
Sylhet, from customs levied on all the frontiers at most extravagant 
rates, from a sort of excise taken at all Bazars, from monopolies 
of every thing valuable in trade, as ivory, timber, &c. and from a house 
tax on the inhabitants of the mountains. The first steps taken for the 
reform of this department were, the abolition of all monopolies, the 
removal of all prohibition on exports and imports, the abolition of — 
the excise, and the reduction of duties in the external trade. The 
immediate results were, an increase of trade, the customs on which, 
though levied at very reduced rates, yielded a far larger amount than 

1840.| Memoir af Sythet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 829 

under the old system was obtained from the whole of the Sayer Mahal, 
and I think this branch of revenue quadrupled itself in five years, 
thus affording another verification of the principle in finance,—that low 
duties by encouraging consumption, will be found more productive 
than high ones, which on the contrary check it. 

The sources of revenue in Jynta were very dissimilar to those of 
Kachar, as the Raja of that country having acquired the plains by 
conquest, appears to have abrogated the hereditary rights of the land- 
holders, and to have allowed none to hold except on terms annually 
granted or renewed at his pleasure, and which were very various. 
The plains of Jynta were probably conquered from Sylhet since the 
days of Akbar, one of the Mahus in the “‘ Ayin Akhbari” being called 
Chyntar, which may well be a mistranscription, the Persian letter © 
having been mistaken for @- 

History and people.—My notices of the history and people of these 
countries will necessarily be brief, as I do not propose to record the 
story of their petty dissensions and change of governors, but rather 
to collect and point attention to such facts whether derived from 
tradition or otherwise, as may throw light on the origin and mi- 
grations of the races which inhabit them, and this the more especially, 
as I am not aware that in so doing, I shall suppress any thing of 
real interest. | 

Kacharis.—According to records preserved among the family of the 
last princes of Kachar (which however are but traditions reduced to 
writing) the Kacharis conquered the kingdom of Kamrup, and gave to 
it a succession of Rajas from whom the late royal family of Kachar, of 
the line of Ha-tsung-tsa, derive their descent. The term Kachari 
is of modern date, the proper name by which that people call them- 
selves being Rangtsa, and the country from which they trace their 
origin being situated in the north-east of Assam. 

It is known that Kamrup extended anciently to the southward as far 
as the confluence of the Megna with the Brahmaputra; and the Kacharis 
appear to have established themselves in the countries east of that line, 
including Assam, Sylhet, Tippera, and modern Kachar, or Hirumbha, 
in all of which, except Sylhet, they are found as a distinct people 
differing in appearance, religion, and customs from the other inhabit- 
ants. . 

830 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104. 

The Ha-tsung-tsa family was expelled from Kamrup by the Rajas 
of Kooch Behar, and being driven* into Hirumbha maintained them- 
selves in a reduced but independent form until the time of Raja 
Gobindchundra, who after many vicissitudes of fortune, became in 1824 
a British tributary, and being murdered in 1830, and leaving no blood 
relations, terminated the line. 

The people of Tippera are said to have the same origin with the 
Kacharis, and the similarity of religion, customs, and appearance, 
makes this probable. It may be added, that the Rajas of both 
countries have formerly acknowledged the connexion ; the Tippera 
family being described as a younger branch of the ancient royal 
family, which in their expulsion from Kamrup established itself in- 
dependently in the country which it formerly held as an appendage. 

The dates of these transactions cannot be traced, but the Assam 
Baranjis state, that at the commencement of the Ahom dynasty in up- 
per Assam, in the 12th century, the Kooch Behar princes had possession 
of Kamrup, from which, as well as from the date of the first Mahomedan 
expedition into Kamrup (in 1204) it may be concluded that the sub- 
version of the Kachar dynasty considerably preceded that era, and that 
the assertion made by the Kachar chiefs,-that their ancestors con- 
quered Assam about one thousand years ago, is tolerably correct. 

The existence in Kachar, even in these days, of many poor and 
proud families who disdain to labour for their subsistence, and look to 
official employment alone as a becoming source of livelihood, the 
number of offices, and their nature, so inconsistent with the poverty 
and insignificance of the late petty Court, are among the circumstances 
which attest the credibility of the story of former power, and taken 
with traditions current in these countries, entitle the pretensions of the 
Kacharis to a degree of credit, which they would- not otherwise 

The Kachari language is unwritten, having been superseded for 
all purposes of business by the Bengali for many centuries, and this 
circumstance greatly increases the difficulty of all attempts to trace the 

* The tradition is, that the invaders from Kooch Behar were preceded by Brahmans 
mounted on cows, against whom the Kacharis either could not, or dare not, oppose 
themselves ; but this is obviously a Hindu fiction. 

1840.) Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 831 

origin of the people through that medium. Greater probability of 
success offers through a careful examination of their religion and 
customs, on which points my inquiries will, I think, be found not to be 
without use. Although Brahmanism professes to receive no converts, 
yet great efforts have been made to bring within the pale of Hinduism 
both the Kacharis, the Munipories, and most of the tribes to the 
eastward. It is matter of history that Brahmanism had no root in 
Assam earlier than the middle of the 16th century, though it has 
since attained to such power as to shake the throne of that country. 
In Munipore its progress has been still more recent, but in Kachar 
Proper, or Hirumbha, the process of conversion has been going on 
before our eyes, and actually commenced within the last fifty years. 
The father and uncle of the two last Rajas professed the old religion, and 
did not conform to Brahmanism; but Krishna and Gobindchundra, 
about the year 1790 a. p., were both placed, with certain ceremonies, 
in the body of a large copper image of a cow, and thence produced 
by Bengali Brahmins as reclaimed Hindus to an admiring people. 
Place was assigned them as Chhettry of the Suraj Bungsi tribe, and 
numbers of their followers, after their example, were admitted to caste, 
and are called Hindus; but still greater numbers were infinitely 
disgusted at the whole procedure, and there can be little doubt that the 
divisions to which it gave rise, and the injudicious persecutions by 
which it was followed, were at the root of all the misfortunes by which 
the country was soon visited. 

The ancient religion of Kachar is not clearly referable to any of the 
forms existing in Eastern Asia, and certainly not to any of the Hindu 
systems, as will appear by the following account. The Kacharis ac- 
knowledge a Supreme Being, or first principle, from which the world 
and all that it contains is derived. They worship the manifest powers 
of nature, or rather spirits having authority over them, and the in- 
fluences of the seasons. 

No superstitious regard is paid to animal life, and even the cow was 
not anciently held sacred. 

__ There is no class set apart for the priesthood, neithér do any take 
\upon themselves exclusively sacerdotal functions; but these are per- 
formed by the elders in families, and by the ministers of state, and 
high public functionaries, on great public occasions. There was how- 

| 5 N 


832 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. (No. 104. 

ever one officer who had charge of the series of ceremonies performed 
in the spring of the year, but his duty was abolished by the jealousy 
or bigotry of the late Rajas. Among their superstitions, it is the practice 
to perform sacrifice before a bamboo planted in the ground, and into 
which it is maintained the Power worshipped enters, on being duly 
propitiated, and causes the boughs to bend in token of his approba- 
tion. This custom is common also to the Tipperas. 

The indifference shown for animal life, and the absence of an esta- 
blished and hereditary priesthood, mark sufficiently the disconnexion 
with Hinduism, and the disregard for caste may be taken as an 
additional proof of this; for though the people are divided into forty 
Sympongs, these are only so many social distinctions, or tribes, and 
they are not prohibited from intermarrying or eating together, which 
they accordingly frequently do. All these circumstances considered, 
it will be found that this superstition more resembles the system of 
Confucius than any thing Indian. 

The law of inheritance appears to be, that all property descends 
in equal shares among the male children, and afterwards, in the natural 
order of succession, to the brothers and brothers issue; but as the 
leading men formerly made no acquisitions in land (for the Kachari 
cultivation is carried on by the inferior classes in a species of co- 
parcenary) the subject has not given rise to much investigation. Mar- 
riages seem to have been contracted. spontaneously, without the direct 
intervention of friends, but polygamy was allowed, and by the richer 
classes indulged in to a great extent. The marriage of widows was 
sanctioned, though not encouraged, and in order to escape the scandal of 
such connexions, it seems to have been usual for widows, at least among 
the higher ranks, to reside in the families of their deceased husband’s 
brother, by which it has after happened that more scandal was created 
than it was intended to avoid. 

Among peculiar customs, for which no reason appears, it seems 
to have been a rule that the Rajah should never reside in a building 
of masonry, but in bungalows surrounded by a stockaded enclosure, 
perhaps to refnind him of his origin among the woods of upper Assam. 

The worship of irascible female spirits, and the practice of the 
Tantra magic ascribed by the Hindus to the people of Kamrup, are 
imputations which derive some countenance from the existing worship of 

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 833 

Ramchundi, the Thakoorain of Kachar, who is adored under the 
symbol of a sword, religiously preserved in the Rajbarri, and to the 
possession of which the most inexpressible importance is attached. 
It is worthy of remark, that no image of any thing having life is 
worshipped in Kachar, nor are there either in that country or Sylhet 
any remains of antique buildings, and especially of Hindu buildings, 
to attest the existence at an early date of a Hindu population. There 
is a footstep cut in the rock on the ridge east of Aquee, said by the 
people of both Kachar and Munipur to have been made by the gods 
as a boundary mark between the two states: this may be one of 
the numerous footsteps of Gautama, but there is obviously no certainty 
about its antiquity. 

Kasias.—Among the aboriginal tribes, the Kasias, or more correctly 
(as they style themselves) the Khyee, attract the most atfention, 
standing as much distinguished from their neighbours in personal ap- 
pearance, and social and religious customs, as their country is different 
from others in geological structure and physical aspect. The Khyee are 
an athletic race of mountaineers, fond still of a martial appearance, 
and their reputation as warriors is hardly extinct, as their extensive 
feudatory inroads are still remembered in Sylhet and Assam, the 
plains of which countries they formerly laid under contribution very 
frequently. The religion of the Kasias does not assimilate with 
any of the known Indian systems, but is limited to certain super- 
stitious practices (among which the augury seems to be in greatest 
esteem) and to the reverence for, and sacrifice to, the presiding deities 
of villages, hills, and similar localities, but does not comprehend the 
knowledge of a universal, all-pervading Intelligence, such as is ac- 
knowledged by the Kacharis, or the immortality of the soul. Brah- 
manism has made some progress among the Kasias, especially of 
Jynta, and some of the higher classes there have adopted Hindu 
practices, and obtained admission among the Sudra castes, but this has 
not led to the entire abandonment of their national superstitions, 
connected with which was the cruel abomination of human sacrifice, 
for being accessory to which the last Raja lost his throne and 
country. , 

The great peculiarity among the Khyee, and that by which perhaps 
their remote connexion with other tribes will be established, is the 

834 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. (No. 104. 

custom which prevails in regard to the descent of both personal and 
real property, and which holds equally of regal authority. By this all 
property and right passes to the eldest son of the nearest female 
relative in the descending line, or generally, to the son of the eldest 
sister of the holder. Whatever laxity may be observed in regard 
to other practices, and however some of the upper ranks may conform 
to the rules of caste, and desire admission among the Hindus, this 
custom is by all most tenaciously adhered to. They are further 

charged with the practice of polyandry, but however it may in reality - | 

be tolerated, the upper classes in general disclaim it, and it can be 

said to prevail only among the poorer sort, with whom too it would 

often seem to mean rather facility of divorce than the simultaneous 
admission ofa plurality of husbands. It is possible, however, that 
unqualified polyandry existed formerly, and that it has fallen into 
disrepute since a more intimate connexion with the plains has sprung 
up. ' 

The Khyee language is unwritten, and moreover exhibits no affinity 

‘with any of the languages of the neighbourhood, some, of which, | 

(numerous and diversified as they are), often offer indications of a 
common origin, but the point is of less importance, as among the rude 
mountain tribes great dissimilarity of language has been observed to 
exist, even where a common origin was nearly certain. There are no 

antique remains, or works of art, on which to build conjectures as to — 

the condition of the people by whom the country was anciently occu-~ 

pied, for though there are several considerable rude stone columnar 

erections, yet there is nothing peculiar or artificial in their construc- 

tion, and they are exceeded in magnitude and vastness of design by — 

Stonehenge, and by the Masses seen in Mexico. No mechanical con- 
trivances were employed in raising either these columns, or the cir- 
cular slabs which are often met, but they were constructed by manual 

labor, some of them being of recent times. There is however a stone 

bridge of considerable dimensions in the Jynta mountains, the style of 
which is Saracenic, but it is quite possible the work may have been 
constructed by a Mussulman in the employment of the Raja at no very 
distant period. No great respect is paid by the Khyee to hereditary 
chiefs, though their rank is readily admitted, but their influence depends 
more on their personal character, and their power to guide the public 

1840.) Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 835 

assemblies, without which nothing is decided either among the com- 
munity collectively, or the villages separately. _ 

Destruction of human life, whether by accident or design, in open 
war or in secret, is always the cause of feud among the relations of the 
parties, which are terminated only by reprisals, ora compensation in 

The equipment of a Khyee chief is martial and striking in appearance; 
a tunic of strong cloth, bordered by party colors, without sleeves, well 
adapted to muscular exertions, sits close to his body above the waist ; 
an ample shield of buffaloe hide or brass is slung at his back, and leaves 
him at liberty to employ both his hands either with the bow, the javelin, 
or a powerful two-handed sword which hangs by his side. This sword 
is unique in kind, and more like the German or Swiss weapon than any 
thing Indian. The bow is of bamboo, and is fitted with a slip of the 
same substance in place of twine, as it never softens in rain, and is 
equally useful in all weathers. It is to the credit of the Khyee that 
though acquainted with the use of poisoned arrows they never employ 
them against their fellow men in war, but only in the chase against 
wild beasts. A series of destructive defeats during a protracted con- 
test with the Government troops has not entirely destroyed the mar- 
tial disposition of this people, who probably still retain the remem- 
brance of those days in which their fathers pillaged both Sylhet and 

Conjecture is lost in assigning a probable origin to the Khyees. Seg- 
regated strictly in a tract of country as different from the neighbour- 
hood as they themselves are from the other tribes, they seem to owe 
the retention of their independence entirely to their personal qualities, 
as their mountains are by no means difficult of access. I am quite 
sensible that verbal analogy affords but a slight foundation on which to 
build an hypothesis, but I may nevertheless mention, that a people resem- 
bling the Khyee in some particulars formerly occupied a position on 
the south bank of the Brahmaputra at Measpara, where they were called 
Mek; they were known to have come originally from the frontiers of 
Butan and Nipal; the Khyee are called Mike by the Kacharis, and 
their customs in regard to marriage assimilate to those of Butan. The 
theory which would assign a western origin to the Khyee is counten- 
anced by their appearance, and especially by the absence in them of 

836 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104. 

those peculiarities about the eye which stamp the tribes of Indo-Chi- 
nese origin. 

Nagas.—The Nagas are found in all the tracts east of the Kupili 
River, as far as the country of the Khamtis, much of which is un- 
explored. This generic name seems to have been applied to them 
by the Hindus of the plain, with reference either to their scanty cloth- 
ing, or more probably to their residence in the mountains, but is not 
acknowledged among themselves or the other hill tribes, among whom 
they call themselves “‘ Kwaphee.” They are associated commonly with 
the Kukis or Koonjye, from whom however they are essentially distinct 
in customs, and personal appearance. The Nagas though often power- 
ful men, yet do not commonly display those marks from which great 
strength may be inferred. Their limbs have not the massive confi- 
guration of the Kukis and other hill men. It is a distinguishing 
particular of the Naga tribes that they are not a migratory or wan- 
dering people, and while the hill Kacharis and Kukis continually change 
their locations, seldom keeping their villages more than three years in 
one spot, the Nagas remain fixed, and their insignificant villages, 
which appear in one of Rennell’s early Maps, are to be found still as 
they stood in 1764. Again, the Nagas are remarkable as using 
no weapons but the javelin and dao, a sort of bill common to the 
Birmas, Shans, and most of the hill tribes except the Kasias; and 
they have no prejudices on the score of food, eating every thing 
indiscriminately, as well that flesh which has been slain for food as that 
which has not. In common with the Kukis and Garrows however 
they abstain strictly from milk, butter, or ghee, looking on the use of 
them with great aversion. The religion of both tribes is limited to a 
few superstitious practices, differing among themselves, but presenting 
nothing from which their origin or connexion with other tribes is 
to be inferred. 

'Kukis.—The Kukis have long been notorious for their attacks 
on the peaceable inhabitants of the plains, to whom along the Sylhet 
and Kachar frontier they have at times been very troublesome. In 
addition to the javelin they employ bows and poisoned arrows, a 
practice perhaps suggested by their contests with the larger animals, as 
elephants and tigers, with which their forests abound. The object 
of their inroads on the plains is not plunder, for which they have never 

1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 837 

been known to shew any desire, but they kill and carry away the 
heads of as many human beings as they can seize, and have been 
known in one night to carry off fifty. These are used in certain 
ceremonies performed at the funerals of the chiefs, and it is always 
after the death of one of their Rajas that their incursions occur. 

The proper limits of the Kukis are undefined, but they never seem 
to have stretched northward of Chattrchura peak, and Kukitunga 
on the frontier of Sylhet, nor above Soor and Tungtching in Kachar. 
The villages at Abong in Upper Kachar are exceptions, but they 
are well known to have been settled by Raja Krishnachundra with 
Kukis from the southward, who had sought his protection. The Kukis 
have been accused of cannibalism, and I am aware of an instance 
in which the charge seemed substantiated, but they disclaim the 
imputation with much vehemence, and I have seen no reason to think 
that the practice is frequent among them. 

People of Sylhet.—The inhabitants of Sylhet are Bengalis, and 
not distinguishable from that race in the districts to the westward. 
On a closer examination, however, it will be observed that the lower 
classes, especially the inferior castes of Hindu cultivators, bear marks 
of their indigenous origin, and a striking difference may be remarked 
between their features and those of the Musulman descendants of 
the colonists by whom the country was gradually conquered. The 
few families of any consideration in the district are known to be 
of Hindustani or Persian origin, and these are the most resvected, 
though they have been superseded of late years by one or two consi- 
derable Hindu houses, which have acquired fortune and consequence 
in our service. There are also some Musulman families, descendants 
of chiefs or Rajas under the Kamrup dynasty, who were forced to 
conform to Mahomedanism on the change of masters; of these the 
principal is that of the Baniachuny Raja, whose ancestor was probably 
the party conquered by Esau Afghan, in the reign of Akhbar, when 
“the kutbeh was read, and the coin struck in the Bhatta country,” 
according to Abul Fuzil. It must have been a Raja of the same 
family also who was attacked in 1254 a. pv. by Mulic Yuzbeg, the 
Governor of Bengal, who afterwards lost his life in Southern Assam, 
or rather in the mountains between Assam and Sylhet. The family 
though converted to Mahomedanism has always retained the title 

838 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. (No. 104. 

of Raja: it is fast going to ruin under the joint influence of the laws 
of inheritance and improvident habits. 

It is impossible (and if possible would be tedious) to trace the steps 
by which the progressive conquest of this part of Kamrup was effected, 
but some of the principal may, I think, be satisfactorily established, and 
will be found worthy of attention. The earliest Mahomedan invasion is 
that of Mahomed Bukhtiyar, who is said to have penetrated through 
Kamrup into Thibet in a. p. 1205-6; and as I think his expedition, 
though unsuccessful, called forth a display of energy and talent calcu- 
lated to excite our admiration of these early adventurers, I shall offer 
no apology for attempting to elucidate it. 

Mahomed Bukhtiyar was the Governor of Behar, and in 1208 a. p. 
entered Bengal, and having rapidly overcome that country, he imme- 
diately turned his forces against Kamrup, which appears to have been 
then a powerful kingdom, and worthy of his arms. The accounts of his 
expedition, left us by Mahomedan writers, state that he proceeded from be 
Dacca, opening for himself a road along the banks of the Luckia; a 
that he marched under the guidance of a hill chief, of the tribe called 
Koonch, whom he had converted to Islamism; that they reached a 

mighty river “three times as wide as the Ganges” called the Bang- 

muttee, on which stood a city called Burdehund, which he captured ; that 
after marching ten days along the banks of this river, they entered the 

defiles of the mountains, having passed which, they crossed the river _ 

(Brahmaputra ?) by a stone bridge of twenty-two arches, after which 
the Raja of Kamrup submitted. He then moved into the Butan 
mountains, and reached the plains of Thibet, where his army was so 
roughly handled in a battle with the people of the country, and 
alarmed by an expected attack from the chief of a city called Kerrim- 
patan, which was governed by a Christian, having under him a Butia 
population with Brahman officers, that they retreated, and finding 
the bridge broken down by the Kamrup Raja, who now harassed them 
in every way, they returned, utterly discomforted with the loss of 
the greater part of their number, to Bengal, where Mahomed Bukhtiyar 
died of grief and vexation. I must own the latter part of this 
narrative is quite inexplicable on any hypothesis, except that of 
the fancy of the writers, or their desire to account for a defeat which 
was most likely the consequence of disease and privation. But the 

1840.]| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent districts. 839 

first part admits of some explanations, calculated to remove apparent 
inconsistencies, and to render the story up to the passage of the 
bridge sufficiently credible. The points which demand elucidation 
are, the locality of the Bangmuttee and its extraordinary size; the 
stone bridge of twenty-two arches; and the name of the river over 
which it was thrown. In the narrative three hill tribes are mentioned, 
the Koonch, the Mikah, and the Nadera ; the Koonch it has been sup- 
posed are the people of Kooch Bahar, but however this may be, 
there is no difficulty about the Mikah, that being the name by which 
the Kasias at this day are known among the Kacharis; and Mikedeetah 
being the title of an officer who had charge of the frontier with 
that people, and such of them as occasionally took up their residence 
within the Kachar jurisdiction; and as it is expressly stated that 
the Mahomedan army crossed the mountains, before they reached the 
bridge, and before the Raja submitted, I conclude, that they entered 
Lower Assam, not by Goalpara, but by the Kasia or Kachar mountains. 
The river, three times as wide as the Ganges, could not have been 
the Brahmaputra, both because Mahomedan writers shew themselves 
acquainted with that river, and because no one who had seen the 
rivers about Dacca, could ever fancy the Brahmaputra above the 
Luckia to be even wider than the Ganges; but to reach the Kasia 
Hills, they must have marched along the edge of the inundation 
in the Bhatta country, most likely before the waters had much abated, 
and they mistook that for a river. : 

No river called Bangmuttee (burster of earth) is now known in the 
north-east parts of Bengal, but there is a place called Bangha, which 
derives its name, without question, from its position at the fork of 
the Soorma and Kusiara rivers, where the latter bursts from the 
: former and rushes towards the Bhatta country. It should here too be 
remarked, that Bhangh (St®) means to walk through water or mud, as 
well as to burst or break, and the expression therefore is applicable 
to the inundation. As the guide was called Ali Mikah, I conclude that 
he was a Kasia, and led the army over his native mountains to some point 
on the Burrampootah, where a temporary bridge, composed of timber, 
‘supported on pieces of rough stone, might be erected, and where the 
‘breadth would not be so great, but that in the dry season twenty- 
two arches might suffice for the passage over the actual stream. 


840 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent districts. (No. 104. 

If any doubt should still be entertained, that the first Mahomedan 
expeditions into Kamrup and Assam passed through the mountains _ 
north of Sylhet, I may mention, that in 1256 a. p. Malec Yusbeg, who -— 
had invaded Kamrup from Bengal, was killed while retreating ‘“ across 
the mountains ;” and that between 1489 and 1499 Ala-Udin, having 
“‘ first overrun Assam,” proceeded westward to the conquest of Kamrup, 
which course is impossible on any other supposition, than that he — 
entered Assam by the way either of Hirumbah or Sylhet, most likely — 
the former. 

Mahomed Bukhtiyar’s army consisted of ten thousand men, chiefly 
Tartar cavalry, and that he was able to subsist them, proves that the 
countries through which he passed must have been well cultivated ; 
but when we reflect that this expedition was made before the in- ~ 
vention of fire-arms, and that the invaders had therefore no advantage 
over the people of the country in regard to their weapons, while the ~ 
country is in no part favourable for cavalry, we cannot but feel our — 
respect for the skill, energy, and enterprize of the early Mahomedan ~ 
conquerors of India considerably elevated. ; 

The condition of Sylhet, as noticed in the Ayin Akhbari, with the : 
fact formerly noticed, that the Bhatta country was only recently con- — 
quered, proves that in the time of Akhbar, the district had not acquired — 
above one half of its present dimensions, and this supposition is 2 
confirmed by Sunnuds bearing date in the 15th and 16th centuries, ‘ 
shewing that adventurers were encouraged to make war upon “ the infi- “ 
dels” on the frontier, and that lands were granted, of which they — 
were to obtain possession by force. The town of Sylhet existed 
in the time of Akhbar, and as this is known to date from the Mosque - 
built over the tomb of .Sha Gelaal, its patron saint, who con- — 
quered it from a native Raja, we may assume, that the current tra- 
dition, which assigns its erection to the middle of the 13th century, is 

The first appearance of the English power occurs in 1762, when — 
a detachment of five companies of Sipahis under the direction of Mr. — 
H. Verelst marched from Chittagong under the Tippera Hills through my 
the southern part of Sylhet into Kachar, where they remained nearly 
a year, encamping at Kaspur, then the capital and residence of Raja — 
Hurrishchunder. After a lapse of seventy years the object of this — 

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent districts. 841 

march had been forgotten, except by a few old persons, who stated that 

it was for the conquest of Manipur, and this statement has proved to 



be correct, the researches of Captain Pemberton having elicited the 
original treaty concluded with the chief of Chittagong, under which 
it was agreed that the Raja Jy Sinh of Manipur, who had been expelled 
by the Burmans, should be restored by us on certain conditions, chiefly 
of a commercial nature. The expedition was prevented by the diffi- 
culty of the country from proceeding beyond Kaspur, and was recal- 
led to assist in the war against Kasim Ali Khan. 

In 1774 a detachment under Major Henniker was employed against 
the Raja of Jynta, whose country was conquered, but restored on pay- 
ment of a fine. The cause of this collision is supposed to have been 
connected with the marauding habits to which the Kasias were then 
addicted, and which had not yet been suppressed. | 

There is but one point of general interest untouched, upon which I 
wish to offer a few words before concluding this very long paper. 
Slavery has always existed in these countries, and the number of persons 
in that unhappy condition is very large. In former days there is no 
doubt great atrocities were committed in regard to this matter, whole 
families of hill people being sometimes carried off openly, sometimes 
kidnapped, and sometimes brought under the pressure of famine, an 
evil of frequent occurrence among the hills. Even in our days a 
regular traffic was carried on in slaves, numbers being annually export- 
ed from Kachar to Aracan through the British territories. This was 
brought to the notice of the Civil authorities some years ago, and 
effectually checked for the future; but the law still permits domestic 

or local slavery, though it prohibits exportation, and while the hill 

people continue to make war on each other, and to sell their children 

in times of scarcity, perhaps it is only a wise discretion, which allows 
the existence of this great moral blot on society. But apart from 
legislative provisions, there is a course by which the evil might be 

gradually eradicated, while prodigious benefit in another shape, would 
at the sametime be conferred on all the countries in which it exists. 
This is the formation of an establishment for the purchase and manu- 
‘mission of slaves, more especially of children, which are often sold at 
very low prices. These well brought up, and instructed in the use- 
ful arts as husbandmen and artizans, would in a few years become 

842 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent districts. [No. 104. 

the means of operating a great improvement in the social condition 

of the people among whom they would spread, and to whom they — 

would offer the sort of information which is required to elevate them 
in the scale of civilization, by the example of superior morality, 

intelligence, and well directed industry, which they might be expected 

to exhibit. 

The number of people in all these districts is on the increase, in a 
country where every thing tends to encourage increase, and where 
the checks, both positive and moral, are as entirely absent as they 
appear to be in China. The census* taken in 1820, shewed the in- 
habitants of Sylhet had more than doubled since 1801, and if little 
dependance can be placed on the accuracy of these returns, enough is 
known from other sources to warrant the belief of an enormous increase. 
The quantity of land brought into cultivation, and the creation of 
new estates by the subdivision of the old ones, are among the most un- 
questionable proofs of this assertion. 

Whatever doubts may be entertained, reasonably or otherwise, of the 
advantages resulting to India from the rule of Britain, I cannot omit to 
record my humble testimony to its value in this quarter, or to state my 
belief that as in no other parts which I have visited, has that rule been 
more manifestly exerted for the good of the people, so in no other has 
it called forth more unequivocal marks of loyalty, attachment, and 
confidence ; and far off may the day be, when these shall abate. In proof 
of this, I may notice the behaviour of the people during the invasion 
of Kachar in 1824, by the Burmans, when they advanced to the very 
frontier of Sylhet without in any way affecting its tranquillity. But in 

a more trying emergency, when the British troops were withdrawn for 

the protection of Dacca, the people of Sylhet not only remained loyal, 
but an offer was actually made by some influential men, to raise a levy 
en masse with which to oppose the enemy, and a small force was actually 
embodied, the men of which, by their local knowledge and endurance 
of climate, proved of considerable use. The readiness with which 
these took service at such a time, must be laid to the account of some 
deeper feeling than ordinary (for their homes were on the very frontier), 

* In 1801 number of persons, 492,045. In 1820, number of persons | ,083,720. 

ee eee ee See Oe eS ee 

1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent districts. $48 

and that unquestionably was the dread of the devastation which accom- 
panied the Burmese advance; but if the existing Government had been 
unpopular, all would have been at least indifferent at a change of 
masters, and some certainly would have intrigued with the enemy. 
But nothing of the kind occurred, and I even succeeded in inducing 
some who had been released, after falling into the enemy’s hands, to 
return and act as spies on our behalf, at the risk of every thing 
which a Hindu (and these were Brahmuns) values more than life. 

On the other hand, many of the inhabitants of Kachar disgusted and 
worn out by the oppressions of their native chiefs, did coalesce with the 
Burmans, thereby proving that their dread of that sanguinary people 
could be overcome by their sense of the intolerable character of the 
Government under which they were groaning, and that they had reached 
a point in endurance, at which any change appeared for the better. — 

Memorandum on the Silk Trade between Shikarpore and Khorassan, 
and on the produce of Indigo in Sinde. By Lieut. J. Postans, As- 
sistant Political Agent, Upper Sinde. 

The importation of raw silk from the north-west to Shikarpore 
is one of the most important branches of the import trade from 
that direction; the article appears to be of a superior description, and 
as I am not aware of its being known in the Bombay market, I have 
collected the following particulars to accompany samples. 

The following are the descriptions of the raw silk, with the prices 
of each in the Shikarpore Bazar, import duty paid (at one rupee six 
annas per maund). 

No. I. ‘ Kokanee,” from Bokhara (produced in Toorkistan) price 

10* Shikarpore rupees per assar. 

No. 2. “ Toonee,” from Kerat (produced in Toorkistan) 13 Rs. i2 

annas per assar. 

* Silk raw and in thread, prepared, is weighed at the rate of 90} Shikarpore 
rupees, or | assar, or 88 Company’s rupees Jast coinage. The Shikarpore rupee at 

present is worth 943 Company’s per 100 Shikarpore, or 5} per cent in favour of 
the former. 

844 Silk Trade between Shikarpore and Khorassan. (No. 104. 

No. 3. “ Shal bafee,” from Kerat (produced in Toorkistan) 15 Rs. 10 

annas per assar. vag 

» 4. “ Nawabee,” from Bokhara, do. 14 Rs. 12 annas per assar. 

» 0. * Gheelanee,” from Kermare and Fezed, do. 9 Rs. per assar. 

» 6. “ Kaloocheer,” from Kerat do. 9 Rs. per assar. 

The value of annual imports may be about 50,000 rupees, and 
the route is through the great pass of the Bolan; the traders are 
principally Affghauns, who visit Shikarpore with the annual Kaffillas 
from October to March, though much of the article is purchased by 
the Hindoo agents of the Shikarpore sowcars, who are to be found 
in all the important cities and marts of the north-west, (see Sir 
A. Burnes’ report on the trade of Shikarpore. ) 

Nos. 1, 2, 5, 6 of the raw silks above enumerated, are prepared 
for weaving, and dyed at Shikarpore. The Shal bafee and Nawabee, 
Nos. 3 and 4, are manufactured at Roree, on the opposite bank of 
the Indus, into a silk fabric, known as “ Duryaee,” value at Roree, 7 
annas per guz. The silk thread prepared at Shikarpore, and here- 
after enumerated, principally finds a market at Khyrpore, Sukkur, 
Roree, Larkhana, Gundava, Bagh in Cutchee, and towards Lower 
Scindh, as far as Sehwan and Tattah, where it is manufactured into 
“ Loonghis” of various descriptions, ‘‘ Gul-budduns,” and other fabrics 
used in the country. The raw material, or prepared thread, does not — 
appear to enter into the export trade of Shikarpore, with the marts of 
the neighbouring countries. 

List of prepared silk threads from the raw “ Kokanee.” 

No. 1. “ Pestakee,” yellow, Gooljuleel, (Mettilat) dye, price 20 

Rs. per assar. 
» 2. ‘ Chumunee,” light green, mixture of Indigo with the 
above; 20 Rs. per do. 

3. “ Subz,” dark green do do. do., 20 Rs. per do. 

5 4. ‘ Soormar,” Indigo do. 20. Rs. per do. 

» 9. “ Koombar,” orange, Koomba (safflower) dye do. 28 Rs. 
per do. 
» 6. “ Tillar,” deep yellow (light gold) Koombeera ? dye do. 16 do. 

»» 7. “ Koormis,” cochineal dye, crimson, do. 21 Rs. 12 annas 
per do. 
» 8. “ Ucho” white, undyed do. 20 Rs. do. 

1840.) Silk Trade between Shikarpore and Khorassan. 845 

List of prepared thread from the raw “ Zoonee”. 

1. Pistakee, ) Same dyes 

2. Chumunee, used as the 
3. Subz, p above, price 
4. Ashmanee (light blue Indigo) - | 24 Rs. per 

5. <Achoo, J assar. 

6. Three shades of cochineal, Rs. 26-12 per seer. 

The raw silks “ Gheilanee” and “ Kuloochur,” are not in any general 
use, ‘‘ Kokanee” and ‘‘ Toonee,” being the principal importations, and 
the most in use. 

The expense of transmitting goods from Shikarpore to the sea, 
by water carriage, may be easily ascertained, as certain rates have 
been established by the British Government for freight by packet 
boats ; thus, from Sukkur to Kurrachee Buncher, one Company’s rupee 
per maund dead weight, or one rupee per cubic foot for light goods. 
The expense of transport from Shikarpore to Sukkur by the Scindh 
Canal, is 4 rupee per maund, or 2 Rs. per camel, carrying 5 maunds ; 
the export town duties to be paid at Shikarpore. Export duties again 
at Kurrachee on raw silk would be thus— - z 

Ist. Duties on purchasing in the bazar, and clearing the town 
of Shikarpore, as far as the Scindh Canal—Shikarpore ru- 
pees 16: 4: O per maund. 

2nd. Export duty at Kurrachee about 5 Rs. per cent. 

A calculation from the above may be pretty accurately formed of 
the price at which the article would come into the Bombay market ; 
and as it will hereafter be to the interests of the native govern- 
ments to modify many of the imports which may at present be consi- 
dered vexatious and offensive upon trade, silk and other commodities 
from the north-west may, with the advantage of water carriage from 
Shikarpore to the presidency, enter considerably into the market of 
Bombay by the route of the Indus. 


Memorandum on Indigo. 

The important article of Indigo, for the production of which the 
Punjaub and countries bordering the Indus would appear to possess 
equal advantages with Bengal and the Delta of the Ganges, cannot fail 
to attract. considerable attention, in connection with the trade of the 
former river, and will in all probability enter considerably into the 
‘return commodities to be looked for from those countries. The follow- 
ing is the amount of last year’s crops for the Punjaub, Bhawulpore, 
and Khyrpore territories, with the present prices, on the spot, of the 
different descriptions. 

In the Punjaub estimated quantity 17,700 maunds ; thus produced— 


1 Dera Ghazee Khan. _... es .. Mds. 3,000 
2 Sooltan and Gungera. ... ... . cop gy eee 
3 Gullioon, Jetepore, Noorshera, and Sa 0) 
4 Canals of Sirdarwar and Bahwalwar. ....... ,, 1,200 
5 Mooltan and its districts. ... 0 6. seseee 5 90,000 
6 Soonadur Mahamad Kot Luwah Bukhur. ... ,, 2,000 

In the Bhawulpore territories, 4,000 

1 Khanpore. Acedia ely hats bauer Sates wee yo OOD 
2 Ahimedpone: 5 0ss)¢aeiak sh esshe dee 199159 | OO 

In the Khyrpore territories, 2,000 

1 Meer Mobarick. 2, sat a i 600 
2 Meer Rustam. a “ee eh BF 300 
3 Meer Alli Morad. aaa a6 Bi és 900 
4 Various places towards Piyderabit. 5s “Zoo 

The total may thus be estimated at about 24,000, of which three- 
fourths find a market in Khorassan, the remainder divided between 
the home consumption and exports to Muscat and Bombay. 

1840. ] Memorandum on Indigo. 847 

The following is a list of prices at the several places where the 
article is grown (duties unpaid) at Dera Ghazee Khan, a mixture 
of five descriptions of Indigo, known as 

aa ites BA S43 can lata: 45 per maund. 
(No. 2. ay ie eo siete 4750 es 
s lots Baie: h Bi ie Kis EOraaiy (ie 
=a BS AY cis 433 sid 4 sli gt 85 i 
ej | » 5 (best quality) ... vc oa », 60 4 
RA ee Ges. al “t. wie ait eL: i 
her pil}, fi 1 aT otgar Ge yy 
5 3) 2 ve ° ° 39 58 39 
Ele ale ae af a ab Sane | - 
g | Pe ENE GOS 9th NO SLOT as Yl Bue BL Mou 
er tr) OF hen Pineal i GONG: 73) 
Sg 0 a ee a ‘i Betts 0, tS 
Lilie rte oly oor 

Not having had the opportunity of inspecting the methods of culti- 
vating and preparing the dye in these countries, I cannot offer any re- 
marks or suggestions on their improvement, but there can be no doubt 
that there is plenty of room for the introduction of a superior system, as 
employed by the European growers of Bengal. One is evident, in the 
necessity of packing it in squares, and not in the present small pieces, 
whereby much waste appears to be occasioned. 

The duties and expenses on the purchase and transmission of In- 
digo by the river Indus to Bombay may be thus estimated— 

Ist. In the Punjaub, a duty on the purchase and clearing, of Rs. 4 
per maund. 

2nd. In the Bhawulpore territories the duty amounts tof Rs. 3: 8: 0 

* The maund differs according to the country. Indigo in the Shikarpore market is 

weighed by the maund of 40 assars, each assar being equal to Shikarpore Rs. 83, or 
Company’s Rupees 79 in weight. 
_ f One-fourth of all Indigo purchased in the territories of Bhawulkhan, is from the Go- 
_vernment share of produce, on which a duty of 10 Rs. per maund is levied, whilst the 
\other three-fourths pay at the rate of 1 Rupee 8 annas per maund, making an aver- 
age of about 34 Rupees for the whole, (ex-gra;—Thus, of 20 maunds purchased, 5 
/wonld pay Rs. 50, and the remainder 22: 8; 0, or about 34 Rs. for the whole.) 

| oP 

848 Memorandum on Indigo. [No. 104. 

3rd. In the Khyrpore territories the duty amounts to R. 1: 2, per md. 
4th. Independent of the above, the transit duties are thus— 

In the Punjaub, at Mittun Kote, Rs. 46: 4, per boat load. 

In the Bhawulpore territories, Rs. 30 ditto 

In the Khyrpore territories none. All transit duties on the river 
through the Hyderabad and Khyrpore territories are cancelled under 
a “ Rahdaree Purwannah” from the British authorities. 

The expenses of water carriage to Bombay is calculated by the dea- 
lers at about two Rupees per maund from Mooltan, and as the duties 
levied at the former place are known, an estimate may be formed 
of the price at which Indigo from the countries bordering on the Indus 
may be brought into the Bombay market. In Shikarpore this article 
does not enter largely into the trade, the consumption being only 
about 100 maunds annually; it passes through Shikarpore, however, 
in transit to Khorassan by the route of the Bolan pass, but the greater 
quantity before alluded to, finds its way to Cabul, Bokhara, &c. by the 
route of the Khybur, or the Daman pass; the latter through the 
agency of the Lohana traders and their Kaffillas. 

On the Historical Geography of Hindustan, and the origin of the Social State 
among the Hindus. By Jas. Biro, Esq. 

The state of India previous to the Mohammedan invasion, is a subject of 
perplexity ; as the interested and fabulous narratives of sectaries present 
but a few isolated facts to guide us in forming an opinion of the original 
system of Hinduism, civil and religious. 

Many, in conducting this investigation, have been more zealous in sup- 
porting the antiquity of the present Hindu social state, than in searching 
after historical truth; and, while unable to explain why the Sanscrit 
language enters so. extensively into the provincial dialects, without grant- 
ing that it was the primitive tongue, they have contended for the pre- 
valent and unchangeable existence of Brahminical institutions. 

In doing so they have overlooked the reasonable conclusion which, 
sanctioned by the well known revolutions of the world, admits the gradual 
advancement of Hinduism to its present perfection, and that it was a 
religion of proselytism little more than nine centuries ago. The known 
geographical distribution of tribes and nations tends to establish the just- 

1840.] Historical Geography of Hindustan, &c. 849 

ness of such an opinion; and the internal evidence of the Sanscrit authori- 
ties gives it additional confirmation.* 

To suppose that the timid natives of India, who have been subdued by 
different conquerors, were not, in the early ages of Christianity, a prey to 
those northern barbarians who successively deluged Europe, seems so at 
variance with the events of history, that, but for some men’s partiality to 
the antiquity of the present Hindu social state, this opinion could have 
never gained belief.+ The Brahmans and their language were prior to the 
zera of Alexander’s historians, but without the extensive dominion in India 
that they now enjoy. The far spread remains of the Buddhaist religion, 
and its sectaries called Jaina, to be yet seen in the caves, temples, and 
monuments that extend from the neighbourhood of Balkh Bamian, on the 
N. W., to Mahabatipure, on the S. E., indicate the sovereignty of a faith in 
these parts, which was prior to the now prevailing Brahminical hierarchy.§ 

The inferences also to be drawn from the fact, that many tribes called 
Melchchas|| in the institutes of Menu. and the. Puranas, are now within 
the pale of the orthodox creed, would further establish a progressive 

* See Mr. H. Wilson’s late account of the religious sects of the Hindus, and of 
those Samas, who, as worshippers of the sun, which they esteemed as the creator and 
cause of the world, were among the opponents of the famous Saiva reformer, Sankara 
Acharya, who flourished some time between the beginning of the 9th and end of the 
10th century (A. R. vol. xvi. p. 15) 

+ Cosmas Indicopleustes, who visited India between a. pv. 535 and 547, mentions a 
nation whiter than the rest, called the Hunni, who held sway over the west of India, 
_ and exacted large tributes from the surrounding states. (Murray’s Asia, ii. p. 78.) 

{ These form a class of dissenters from the established, or orthodox system of 
Brahminism, which is now common to Hindustan. They admit of caste; will not allow 
the Vedas to be of Divine origin; do not, like the Brahmans, acknowledge any 
spiritual and eternal being from whom the universe derived its origin, but look on the 
material world with the human soul as self-existant and eternal, and have for 
their chief objects of worship, men, who, as saints, have raised themselves to the rank 
of divinities. Most of their theological opinions are similar to those of the Buddhaists 
and Sogatas, who do not admit of caste like the Jainas, but both worship, as subordi- 
nate deities, the Pantheon of the orthodox Hindus. 

§ The cave temples of Buddhaist origin are by far more numerous on the N. W. 
of India than have been yet enumerated. In addition to the well known ones of 
Kanari, Elephanta, Karli, Ellora, and Ajainta, there are many more in the Dekhan and 
Konkan, such as those at Nasik, Junir, Aurungabad, Karrar, Mahar, &c.; in Malwa, 
and Rajputana, we find those of Bagh, and Gawalior; and I have heard of others 
in the Madras territories. 

| A general appellation for the unclean tribes that are not within the pale of the 
Hindu religion ; and who are usually styled degraded Kshetryas. This would seem to 
imply that they did not conform to the Brahminical rites when others of the same 
original stock did. The different divisions of them are to be found enumerated in 
Wilson’s Sanscrit Dictionary. Some of those identified are the Odros, Urias, or 
people of Orissa; the Draviras, or people of Madura and Tanjore, on the Coromandel 
Coast, who are now orthodox Hindus. 

850 Mistorical Geography of Hindustan, &c. [No. 104. 

change of opinion, and the gradual conversion of the aborigines of India to 
the present established system of religion.* 
Inasmuch, moreover, as the obscure subject of a nation’s origin can 
admit of proof, when facts have been mistified through religious imposture, 
or the most recent annals perverted by fable, it may be reasonably 
contended for, that in the age of Herodotus, the Brahmans of India, the 
people of Persia, and those at the sources of the river Hydaspes, Sind, and 
Oxus, followed nearly the same faith, and were not dissimilar in manners. 
It would appear that the religion they followed was the Sabean, or that 
which enjoining a respect for the host of heaven, as the noblest symbol 
of a deity, constituted the primitive idolatry of mankind.+ It derived 
its name from the Sabeans, an ancient people of Arabia,{ and was pro- 

* Some of the Puranas are of very little antiquity, as would appear from the text 
of the Padma Purana, which makes mention of Ramanuja, the celebrated Vishnava 
reformer, who flourished in the middle of the 12th century, and was cotemporary with 
Vishnu Verddhana, the fourth Belal Raja of Devarasamudra (see A. R. xvi. p. 28.) 
From what the Bakhta Mala, (A. R. xvi. p. 43,) asserts of the sectaries from 
Ramanuja, called Ramanandis, according to whose tenets the distinction of caste was 
inadmissible, we may safely infer that formerly a member of any tribe who as- 
sumed the garb of a mendicant, and devoted himself to penance, would have gained 
admission tothe Hindu community. If we may credit the narration of Sadi, as given 
at the end of his Bustan, he was permitted, as a mendicant, to perform Hindu 
rites at the temple of Somnat. This happened in the 13th century ; and though he 
calls the Brahmans Moghs, or fire-worshippers, it is scarcely possible that one, so 
generally well informed as is Sadi, could have done so in ignorance, or without 
having observed some connecting link of similarity. 

+ In reference to this subject I cannot forbear quoting an opinion of Mr. Prinsep, 
expressed in his Journal for September 1834, the justness of which appears supported by 
the evidence of inscriptions in Western India, and of the coins which the late Secretary 
of the Asiatic Society so ingeniously and successfully illustrated. ‘‘ It is not surprising,” 
sayshe, ‘‘thaton the Indian side of the Persian monarch’s dominions, in a part proba- 
bly under his influence, if not directly under his sway, we should find the fire-altar, or 
the image of the sun, replaced by Krishna among the Hindus, or Buddha among the 
Buddhaists ; both of them personating the sun in their respective mythologies.”’ 

Whatever forms of the Hindu religion were prevalent at the time, the adoption of 
the sun as the ostensible representation of Divine power, either in accordance with the 
commands of the ruling prince, or from a natural tendency towards an union of the 
Brahminical and Magian faith, could not present many difficulties. ‘* We must not be 
surprised,’ says Sir William Jones, ‘‘at finding that the characters of all the Pagan 
deities, male and female, melt into each other, and at last into one or two; for it seems 
a well-founded opinion, that the whole crowd of gods and goddesses in ancient Rome 
and modern Varanes (Benares), mean only the powers of nature, and principally those 
of the sun, expressed in a variety of ways, and by a multitude of fanciful names.”’ 

+ The origin of the name is not clearly ascertained, but has been traced by some 
etymologists to the Arabic word Sabaa, signifying arising star. The word wyletlLo 
sabihat in that language is also made to signify stars, planets, and angels; but I 
can assert nothing positive regarding the word Sabean. 

1840. | Historical Geography of Hindustan, &c. 851 

fessed, in common with them, by the Persians, previous to the reformation 
of their religion by Zertusht, or Zoroaster, who introduced the worship of 
fire. The esoteric system of Sabeism was, apparently a pure theism, 
whilst its exoteric rites led to a stupid idolatry among the lower orders 
of the people.* In this respect it observed a distinction that prevails even 
in the Vedas, which have their Karma Kanda, and Guyana Kanda, a 
ritual and theology ;+ and would go far to establish an opinion, which has 
been entertained by many, that there is an identity in the astronomy 
and mythology of the ancient Arabs, Egyptians, and Hindus. Ferishta 
indeed tells us, that when Mohammed Kasim, the general of the Khalif 
Walid, invaded Sind, a. pv. 711, the Hindu pilgrims resorted to Mekka 
and Egypt, for the purpose of paying adoration to the idols there, 
which they looked to with the utmost veneration ;{ and there is much to 
make us believe that such an intercourse existed prior to the mission 
of the Prophet Mohammed. 

The Persians had, at a very early period, adopted the worship of the 
sun, fire, and other elements ;§ the Scythian Massagetze appear to have 
professed a similar faith,|| and Mr. Colebrooke has admitted, “that the 
earliest Indian sect, of which we have any distinct knowledge, is that 
of the followers of the practical Vedas, who worshipped the sun, fire, and 
other elements.’ 

Such are the data for concluding that about five centuries before our zra 
the inhabitants of these countries were connected in religion, and could not 
have widely differed in their habits, when, as Herodotus tells us, the 
inhabitants of Casapatyrus,** or Kashmir, most resembled the Bactrians in 
their manners. 

The Brahmans consider Kashmir as their original country, and tradition- 
ally relate they were led from thence into the plains of Hindustan by their 
leader Kasyapa,t+ whose character is well known to the Brahminical and 
Buddhaist mythology. 

* See Sir Wm. Jones’s discourse on the Arabs, A. R. ii. p. 9. 

¢ Wilson on the Hindu Sects. A. R. xvi. p. ii. 

{ Brigg’s Translation of Ferishta; vol. iv. p. 402. 

§ Herodotus in Cho. p. 131, and Erskine on the Sacred Books of the Parsees. Bom- 
bay Transactions. vol. ii. p. 3061. 

|| Herodotus, p. 215. 

7 A. R, vol. ix. p. 273. i 

** It was so called among the Greeks, having been colonized by the followers of the 
sage Kasyapa, whose name in ordinary pronunciation, becomes Kashap, See A. R. 
_vol. xv. p. 117. 

tt He is the sixth terrestial Buddha among the Nepalese, and the predecessor of 
Gautama. The same enumeration of Buddhas as known in Nepal, is made by Mr. 
Colebrooke, in his account of the Jains. A. R. vol. ix. p. 303. Quarto. 

852 Historical Geography of Hindustan, &c. [No. 104. 

His name continued to distinguish a numerous tribe of the former, previ- 
ous to the comparatively modern divisions of five Gaurs and five Dravers ; 
or the yet more recent distinctions that obtain among them in different 
provinces of India. This general idea of their northern origin, which pre- 
vails among the better informed of the Brahminical sect, would appear in 
all respects worthy of belief; since there is evidence of such an event to 
be found in the traces of people belonging to the Hindu stock, migrating 
to the south. These are manifest in the names of countries enumerated 
by Sanscrit geographical works, that were originally affixed to stations 
north and south of the Himala mountains, and became applicable, in the 
course of time, to places in the south of India. Such was evidently the 
course by which the northern countries of Madra and Pandiya* transferred 
their names to the provinces of Madura and Marwar, on the Coromandel 
Coast; and by which Virata,+ a part of the kingdom of Trigerta, or Lahore, 
came to be considered one of the seven Konkanas situated in the south. 

It is unnecessary to inquire whether they, who carried these names 
southward, were of the purely Brahminical or Buddhaist faith ; for it may 
be truly asserted, that both religions in their origin were connected, and 
that the greater antiquity is in favour of the Brahmans, or the orthodox 
followers of the Vedas. Such would appear to be the import of the pas- 
sage, quoted from the institutes of Menu by Sir William Jones, that, 
“ Many families of the military class having gradually abandoned the 
‘ordinances of the Vedas, and the company of the Brahmans, lived in a 
“‘ state of degradation; as the people of Paudraca and Odra, those of 
“‘ Dravira and Camboja, the Yavanas and Sacas, the Paradas and Pahlavas, 
“‘ the Chinas, and some other nations.” From this we learn, that a great 
revolution, both in religion and in government, was effected about this 
time; and that these nations conforming no longer to the Sabean idolatry, 
which had been common to the east, adopted an altered system of religious 

* The southern provinces of Madra or Madru and Pandiya are particularly men- 
tioned in a grant of land (A. R. vol. ix. p. 428,) made during the time of Rotshamalla 
Raja, by the minister Babakaja, a descendant from Kasyapa. In the Hindu geogra- 
phical work, called the Shapte Sambheda, and quoted by Mr. Ward (vol. iv. p. 
456,) they are placed more to the north, and were originally the same as the Pundda 
Regia of the ancients, now identified with Sogdiana, or the valley of Samarkand. 
The date of the grant is Salivahana era 1095, a. pv. 1173. 

t+ Some account of Virata, as one of the Konkans, will be found in Mr. Wilson’s 
account of the Mackenzie Collection (p. xcix,) and in Grant Duff’s enumeration of 
the same, (Hist. of the Marahtas, vol. i. p. 4) ; it appears under the corrupted name of 
Marwar, extending from Bancote to Bassein, inclusive of Bombay. ‘The Marahta 
traditions relate that Virat Rai, who was the Rajah of Wai, near Satara, accompanied 
the Pandus to the battle of Kuruket; which though doubtful as a fact, evinces that he 

received his title from the country of Virata, a political division of India, that was 
originally more to the north than Wai. 

1840. | Historical Geography of Hindustan, &c. 853 

belief. This consisted, as would appear, in the worship of Mahat, or 
intellect made manifest, as Gautama Buddha, with the introduction of an 
atheistical philosophy, which reasoning from material objects to the exis- 
tence of spirit, confounded the shadow with the reality, and denied the 
existence of whatever was not cognizable by the senses. Some such 
difference in opinion brought about the Mahabarat, or great war in which 
the Pandus, with Krishna,* espoused the cause of the innovators, while 
Dritarashtra Raja and the Kurus held to the original faith. About this 
time, also, Viyasa collected and arranged the Vedas, which consisted ori- 
ginally of the prayers and hymns, or their Sanhita, that preceded, in Mr. 
Colebrooke’s opinion, the Bramhana, or theological part. 

The division of the people into four castes followed, if it was not co- 
temporary with these innovations, and was effected about the period of 
the Macedonian conquest, if as we may infer from the respectful men- 
tion of the Yavana, or Greek power, in the Mahabharat, the composition 
of this poem dates posterior to the Macedonian conquest of India.f Some 
hold an opinion that the institution of caste, with its extravagant preten- 
sions to antiquity, had been matured in Hindustan Proper long prior 
to the time of Alexander’s historians. Those entertaining this belief have 
pretended to discover that the enumeration of classes made by Arrian 
is the exact counterpart of divisions now acknowledged by the Hindus. 
The probability of this cannot be granted without great latitude, and the 
seven classes of employment into which the Hindus were then distributed, 
as detailed by that writer, cannot be admitted to be identical with the now 
existing divisions of this people, into Brahmans, Kshetriyas, Vaisiyas, and 
Shudras. The former would have been found among the Egyptians, and 
were as characteristic of them as of the Hindus ; whilst the other arrange- 
ment was effected, in all probability, about the time when the Sanscrit 
writers composed the earliest poetical works of the latter. If the Maha- 
bharat, or poem of the great war, was composed soon after the Greek 
conquest, the reformation of orthodox Brahmanism would be placed not 
long before the Christian zra.{ The Mahabharat may be then admitted’ 

* Krishna’s existence, as a real historical personage among the Hindus, is more than 
doubtful. He every where appears as the hero of fable, and whatever is believed 
regarding him, belongs to one whom the Hindus had heard of rather than known as a 
leader among themselves. 

+ See note v. on the history of Kashmir, A. R. vol. xv. p. 102. 

{ The Arab historian and geographer, Al-Masudi, who wrote a. p. 949, tells us that 
schism in the Hindu religion happened during the reign of Korish; and if his chrono- 
logy for this event can be trusted, the origin of the Indian sectaries will be fixed at the 
commencement of our era. Three hundred and twenty years elapsed, it is said, from 
the death of Phur (the Porus of Alexander’s historians) to that of Korish ; and if this 
be correct, the quarrel between the Buddhas and Brahmans happened B. c. 7. _ 

$54 Historical Geography of Hindustan, &¢. [No. 104. 

to contain historical materials of some value; and accounts of recent 
events, greatly exaggerated by allegorical references to ages long past, 
and to mysteries in religion, that were little remembered, or imperfectly 
understood. Such is, I think, the correct supposition, and from thence we 
may trace, as among other nations, the origin of fable, and the genealogy 
of their gods. 

The Brahmans did not long follow the astronomical religion of the Vedas 
without speculating on the divine nature, and that of celestial spirits. 
They personified the elements and the planets as the types of that unap- 
proachable God whom they worshipped; and as Mr. Colebrooke says, 
‘“‘ peopled heaven and the world below with various orders of beings.” 
Their wonder at contemplating the infinite glory of the heavens, made 
them vent their sentiments in allegory. Their allegories, leading them 
astray from the great First Cause, gave rise to varied existences of the divini- 
ty, and these yet farther distracting their attention from the unity of God’s 
nature, led to a system of meditation and mysticism, in regard to spirit, of 
which the promised benefit was to obtain liberation from this life, and union 
with the great Eternal Cause. This, which was common to the East, existed 
alike among the ancient Arabs and the Hindus; and though some are 
inclined to believe that the Sufyism of the Mohammedans derived its 
origin from the Yoga, or abstraction of the latter, yet we may trace it to a 
more remote system of Deism, the Kaballa of the Jews.* 

A few extracts from the Sanscrit authorities, will shew us that this 
view of a very obscure subject is strictly deducible from the order of opini- 
ons as there made apparent. The prayer of the Veda, called Gayatri, con- 
cludes with these words---‘‘ Let us meditate on the Divine Ruler, (Savi- 
tri;) may it guide our intellects. Desirous of food, we solicit the gift of 
the splendid. sun, (Savitri) who should be studiously worshipped. Vener- 
able men, guided by the understanding, salute the divine sun, (Savitri) with 
oblations and praise.”+ This bears evident traces of Sabeism; which are 

* According to Selden, the Kaballa of the Jews was a belief in the doctrines of the 
traditional law, held in almost equal reverence with the written one. It treated of 
divine things, of the more abstruse parts of their faith, of angels, and various symbols. 
The appellation Kabala, Map. in Hebrew, bears nearly the same interpretation 
as Kiblah |,$: in Arabic, signifying any thing that is before one, or the altar ; and 
the Jews, by meditating on this, promised themselves a superior knowledge of celestial 
existences. The doctrines of this worship, combined with natural magic, became the 
foundation of what is believed by the Sufis, or followers of the truth. The authors of 
the middle ages, and the modern Greeks, who enumerate the different tribes situated 
west of the Indus, speak of those called Hakak, or those adoring the truth. These 
were free, and worshipped the sun and stars, as did the ancient Arabs. See dissertation 
on the travels of two Mohammedans. p. 176. ; 

t+ Ward on the Hindus, vol. iv. p. 93. 

1840. | Historical Geography of Hindustan, &c. 855 

yet more distinctly marked in the hymn from the Sama Veda; where Brah- 
ma is characterized as the light of the moon, of the sun, of the fire, of 
the lightning, and all that shines.* 

It may be well doubted if such a thing as Sabeism ever existed, without 
being mingled with that species of idolatry called Pantheism ; and which 
teaches that the divine nature, penetrating every thing, makes itself 
known by its operations. Such, indeed, is the Sabeism of the Vedas ; 
where the Supreme Being, in his works of creation, preservation, and de- 
struction, is celebrated under the names of Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva. 

The founders of this system, reasoning on the nature of the deity, 
and the world’s physical energies, disseminated their hypothesis on the 
origin of the universe; and thus founded the six philosophical schools, 
or Darshanas of the Hindus, that were, certainly in existence prior to the 
composition of the Mahabharat. Their names are the Voishesika, the 
Niyaya, the Mimansa, the Sankhya, the Patangala, and the Vedanta. This 
last, which is the school of Viyasa, who compiled the Vedas, is generally 
considered to be the most recent in its origin; but was, I think, the 
first in natural order and in practice; being a commentary on the theology 
of these books, written to support their somewhat ambiguous theism 
against the attacks of the Sankhya School, which had advocated Material- 
ism. Its doctrines, which incline to pure Idealism, maintain that spirit is — 
all in all, made manifest through its union with allusion, or gross 
matter; and by supposing that the Supreme Being is disguised in many 
forms, divine, human and animal, they introduce what has been called 
Theomorphism. This blended with Sabeism and Pantheism forms the 
systematic Polytheism of the Brahmans. 

The Sankhya, which appears connected with the religion of the younger 
Buddha, or Gautama, is atheistical, and inculcates Materialism. It declares 
that Mahat is the principle which is named the reasoning faculty, 
and springs from matter; and that its synonyms are Vishnu, the all-per- 
vading ; and Buddhi, the understanding. It is hostile to the Veda and the 
Smritis, or law books; asserting, “ that he, who in the body has obtained 
emancipation, is of no caste, of no sect, of no order, attends to no duties, 
adheres to no Shasters, to no formulas, and to no works of merit.’’+ 

Opinions such as these were adopted by the followers of Buddha; who 
soon became so numerous and powerful as to be more than a match for 
those who adhered to the ancient religion. The two hostile sects of Bud- 
dha and Brahma were evidently cognate, and of contemporary origin: 

* Ward on the Hindus, vol. iv. p. 82. 
¢ See Ward’s Translation of the Sankhya Sara, vol. iy. 

856 Historical Geography of Hindustan, &c. [No. 104. 

though the latter, as adherents of the Vedas, and the Sabean idolatry, truly 
lay claim to superior antiquity. 

Sabeism was, as we have endeavoured to shew, the original religion 
of the people east and west of the river Indus; and was followed by a 
modification of its original tenets, now known as the faiths of Buddha and 
Brahma. The people who believed the last, occupied the banks of the 
Ganges and Hindustan Proper; those who professed the other, were on 
either bank of the Indus, and in the south of India. The two rival sects 
appear to have existed in amity with each other, until the Brahmans, 
having introduced caste, and erideavoured to exalt themselves above their 
_ opponents, brought on the Mahabarat, or great war, that happened 
posterior to the time of Alexander the Great’s expedition to India. In 
modifying the Sabeism of the Vedas, they introduced the monstrous fables 
of the Puranas, with the deification of abstract properties, under the name 
of gods. In doing this they addressed the ignorant spirit of the people, 
whose seers and astrologers they were; and, having artfully incorporated 
the opinions of existing sects with their own, claimed for their religion 
unchanging uniformity, though this faith, made up of all systems, is so 
heterogeneous, as to be incapable of an analysis that would resolve it 
into its separate sources. : 

The origin of the Buddhaist system can be traced back five centuries 
before the Christian zra, but its followers were for long after limited in 
number and power. Though there be nothing but conjecture, on which 
we may found an opinion, whether Balkh and Benian, or the districts — 
eastward of the Indus were the countries ofits nativity, we possess internal 
evidence, in the religions of Zertusht and Buddha, that they were for some 
time connected, and the affinity existing between the Zend and Sanscrit 
languages, would further warrant us to conclude, with Sir William Jones,* — 
“‘ that a powerful monarchy was established in Persia, and that it was, 
’ when Sabeism was the religion of both 
countries. This monarchy, or the Mahabadian empire of Persia, is cele- 
brated among the Buddhaists of Ceylon, as we learn from the report of the | 
Colombo Bible Society, for 1816; and the fact of the same being known in — 
the tradition of the Buddhas, evinces that these seceders from Sabeism, - 
who spread themselves over the south of India, existed in intimate con- 
nection with the followers of Zertusht. The coins and relics lately dis- 
covered in the sepulchral monuments, that exist in the Punjab and the 

in truth, a Hindu monarchy,’ 

vicinity of Cabul, bear evidence to the correctness of this opinion ; and the 
narratives of the Arab historians lead us to infer, that the fire-temple, in 

* See his Discourse on the Persians, A. R. vol. ii. 

1840. | Historical Geography of Hindustan, &c. 857 

India, dedicated to Helios, or the sun, and which was permitted to escape 
destruction, on three times the value of its precious things having been 
given to the Mohamedan conqueror Hijaj-bin Yusuf, was no other than the 
Buddhaist temple of Multan, called “the happy house of gold.” 

a a The communication, between India and Persia, which had 
existed from the earliest times, was not interrupted till the twenty- 
third year of the Hijira when the followers of Mohammed, having sub- 
dued the province of Khorasan, and countries west of the Indus, be- 
came masters of the pastoral tribes in that quarter.* The intercourse of 
the Hindus with the aborigines on the north of India, was not finally 

a. v. 675. Closed until thirty years after, when the Tartars of the north-west 
were forced to submit their necks to the yoke of Islam. The subsequent 
wars and aggressions of the Mohammedans, to the north-east, drove these 
nomades to the south, some of whom having conformed to the institution 
of caste, and other gods of the Brahminical Pantheon, gave rise to a 
modification of their then Buddhaist tenets, which is now known under the 
name of the Jaina religion. This had its origi, as would appear, when 
the rival sects of Buddha and Siva were striving for superiority in Hin- 
dustan; and arose from a union of the two systems endeavouring to 
reconcile the more objectionable parts of the Buddhaist faith to the received 
opinions of the orthodox Hindus. Brahmans, however, formed part of both 
religions, and the inhabitants of the island of Bali distinguished them, in 
the twelfth century, as the sects of Buddha and Siva.t The great influx 

a. pv. 1166. towards the Dekhan and country south of the Narbada of those 
professing the latter faith, about this time, will account for the migration of 
the Buddhaists, or the Jaina sectaries of this faith, into the islands of the 
Indian ocean. ; 

A Brahmanical invasion, from the north, is traditionally ascribed to a 
prince named Mayura Verma;t who was the founder of the Kadumba, or 
Karamma race of Rajputs. By the most consistent account he is placed 
in the ninth century; but flourished, probably somewhat later. The 
greatest influx of Rajputs to the Dekhan happened, however, from the 
beginning of the tenth to the end of the twelfth century, caused by 
the conquest of Mahmud of Guzna, and his successors. 

The Jainas assert, that “in the time of Bijjala Raya, who ruled with 
renown in the city of Kalayana,§ the Dakshen of Hindustan was conquered 
4 Price’s Mahomedan Annals, vol. i. p. 138. 

t Crawford on the people of Bali; A. R. vol. xiv. 

{ See Mayura Verma Cheritra in the Catalogue of the McKenzie collection vol. ii. 

« 90. 

Be It is generally called Kalyan, or Kayani; and lies about fifty miles north of 
Kulberga, in the Dekhan. | 

— 858 Historical Geography of Hindustan, &c. — [No. 104. 

by the Sadapramans,’* or followers of the Vedas: and this tradition is 
attested by the sculpture in the caves of Ellora, where the union of the 
Buddhaist and Brahminical faiths declares them to be the works of the 
Jainas, or some similar sect, labouring to accommodate a belief and reliance 
on mortals of transcendent virtue to the worship of the gods that are 
chiefly esteemed in the Hindu Pantheon. The Brahmans who have visited 
the caves of Ellora and Ajunta, deny the possibility that any part of the 
sculptures could have been executed by the orthodox sect.+ 

These Buddhaist sectaries on having changed their original faith, were 
designated by the name of Rajputs; and executed the magnificent temples 
of Abu, and other such stupendous works, on the banks of the Indus. 
They have preserved no record of their origin excepting traditions ; which 
their bard Chandra embodied in his work, the Prithvi Raya Riyasa. Prithvi 
Raya, or Pithora, who is the hero of the tale, became, from his connexion 
with the first Mohammedan conquerors, the subject of real history ; and the 
poem, which celebrates his exploit, can claim no higher antiquity than 
a. Dp. 1192; when this Lord Protector of the feudal barons of India, as 

mentioned in my introduction to the Mirat Ahmedi, fell at the battle of | 


* See account of the Jainas, A. R. ix. p. 247. 

+ Mr. Erskine’s lucid observations on the Caves of the Dekhan, have shed much light 
on a very obscure subject ; but I cannot agree with the learned gentleman in thinking 
that any of them were ever executed by Brahmans, except in connexion with the fol- 
lowers of Buddha, whose guides they were in introducing Jaina innovations. 

Norr.—The paper now communicated, was read at a meeting of the Bombay Branch 
of the Royal Asiatic Society, so early as December 1835, but withdrawn, before the 

brilliant discoveries of the late Mr. Prinsep had given currency to facts, that bear out - 

generally the truth of opinions here maintained. The explanation of the several 
series of coins found in the north-west of India, the interpretation of the Lath and 
Cave Inscriptions, and the translation of the Mahawanso by Mr. Turnour, with other 

collateral coincidence, have strengthened the writer’s conviction of the justness of 

opinions then formed. They have been kept unpublished, as some orientalists, whose 

acquirements the writer respects were opposed to them; though these had only been ‘ 
accustomed to view the Hindu social state through the glass of Brahmanical representa- 

tion, and distorted Sanscrit evidence. The president, however, in thanking Dr. Bird 

for his paper, which had been listened to with much interest, observed, ‘* that while he 

was prepared to dispute some of its important positions, it was but fair that it should 
be laid before the learned world, for candid criticism, in the state in which it had been 
communicated to the Society.” 

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 
( Wednesday Evening, 4th November, 1840. ) 
Col. J. A. Hopeson in the Chair. 
Library and Museum. 

The following books, &c. were presented :— | 
Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia—Treatise on Malacology, .. «. «ss «+ e» 1 
Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science, 3rd Series, Vol. 16th, No. 101, 

and 105, February and June, 1840. 2.0 2. se ce oe oe oe ee te 2 
Proceedings of the Geological Society of London, Vol, 3rd, No. 67, 1840. .. 1 
Oriental Christian Spectator, 2nd Series, Vol. Ist, No. 9, September 1840, .. lL 
List of Works relating to India, published by W. H: AttEN and Co. .. .. 
History of British Birds, by W. Yarrex, London, Parts 14 and 15; Septem- 

Sermon overiper, 1G40b: (5.5 wc lee ae es. wa eee os ee ee Sele 

Chinese Repository, Vol. 8th, No. 9, January, 1840, .. .. .. «2 of « IL 

Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register for British and Foreign India, China, 
and Australasia, February, 1840, Vol. 31st, No. 122. New Series, 8vo. ewe | 

Transactions of the Society for the Encouragement of Arts, &c. 1839, Vol. 
TAS fon laiaitl ate iilisie (ic aeudpsisl juss fileas/ioeidines td elo) dee La 

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, London, 
ee MRIS hi gi Loin Mis eiest- hirclw Als sin i\y' eid Sad Ad aisha sie us Severin dil ne uk ae peal: 

Annals of Natural History, or Magazine of Zoology, Botany, and Geology, 
by JaRDINE and Sesy, London, July, 1840, No. 32, 8vo. .. .. «. « | 

Annales des Sciences Naturelles, Zoologie, et pour Botanique, par AUDOWINE 
et Epwarps; Tome 12th, Paris, Aofit 1839, 2nd Series, .. .. «of «» 2 

Column at Corygaum, to the memory of Captain Staunton, 182],.. .. .. 1 

Sketch to ditto, Madras 1818, .. .. .- 

ee 2@e ee ee ee ee ee ee i 
The Officiating Secretary submitted to the inspection of the meeting, an old Chinese 
Coin presented by W. E, Stirling, Esq. with the following memorandum— 

** This is an old Chinese Coin. It was stated to have been coined before the Tartar 
Dynasty occupied China. It is presented through me by Captain Atcock, who obtain- 
ed it at Macao. The twelve animals which surround the inner circle and inscription, 
probably represent the signs of the Zodiac, but not in such distinct characters as to 
be free from doubt. The Chinese characters of the inner inscription can probably be 
read by those versed in that language. The obverse side represents two Dragons. 
I am sorry I cannot offer any particular observations, but trust that this coin will be 
esteemed a rarity of no small interest.’’ 

Read a letter from Lieut. A, CunnincHam, from which the following is an 

“I have had a long letter from Lady Sale, and she promises me impressions of all 
curious coins that she may meet with. Sir Rosert had been opening a Tope, but 

860 Asiatic Society. [No. 104, 

was disturbed by Dost MaHomEpD. Poor Epwarp Cono. y too, had commenced 
work upon the great Khybar Tope, which is said to be the most magnificent in India, by 
those who never went two miles out of their road to see the great Benares Tope, 
which is 110 feet high. 

‘<If I was at Patna, I would have the topes across the Ganges opened in two months. 
I can hear of nothing near this place. I hope however to be able to pay a visit to 
Faizabad, near which I hear, that there is a pillar. : 

‘‘T have a short inscription of the time of Govinpa CuunprRaA Deva, of Kanouj, 
the predecessor of VisayaA CuunprA Deva, the prince mentioned in the long in- 
scription of which Colonel CauLFIELD has sent you a copy. My short inscription 
mentions, GASALA DssBEs as the wife of GovinDa CHUNDRA.”’ 

Read a further letter from the same officer, with reference to which the Officiating 
Secretary earnestly begged, that notice might be taken by any member of the So- 
ciety, or indeed any individual whose position and inclinations might enable him 
to serve the cause of Antiquarian research in Behar, alluded to in the latter portion 

of the letter, which was then read as follows— 

‘¢ T am now lithographing a large drawing of a beautiful silver patera of a Sassanian 
king on horseback, killing a lion—2nd Shahpore? It has an inscription which I am 
to get shortly. 

‘* T have heard of no new genuine coins, but the forged coins are becoming plentiful, 
and I think I have discovered the forger. The fellow has not much character to lose, 
but, I think an exposure will put others on their guard against purchasing coins from 

‘“‘ The country north of Patna is full of topes, none of which have been opened :— 

‘© 1, The Kesariah mound, 20 miles N. of Bokhra, in sight of the Gunduk. 

«¢2. A mound of solid brickwork, about 40 feet high, near Bassar. 

«<3. At Bokhra (ot the Azimgurh Bokhra) 13 kos north of Patna, and 6 kos north of 
Singhea—a pillar and tope of solid brickwork ; a horizontal excavation was made by 
a doctor of Mozufferpore 35 years ago, (therefore the first excavator of a tope), but 

nothing was found. 
** Could you not manage to have an excavation made from the top to the foundation, 

in a perpendicular direction ? Some one at Patna, or Mozufferpore, might superintend 
the work. The pillar also should have an inscription, which is probably under 

The Officiating Secretary submitted to the Meeting the reply from Major Rawtin- 
son of Candahar, to a communication which he had addressed to that able Antiquarian, 
in which he had begged him to undertake the duties of Corresponding Secretary in 
Affghanistan. The Society, the Officiating Secretary observed, would not fail to 
regret exceedingly the difficulties which interfere with Major RawLINsoNn’s accepting 
this office; and which he had requested him to undertake in common with the late 
Capt. ConoLty, who working in a different part of the country, might have devoted his 

energetic endeavours to the furtherance of some of the main objects of the Society. 

a eee es 6 ee Se ee ee ee ee 

ie eo cl. a od ee ey 

1840. | Asiatic Society. 861] 

** It was with extreme gratification that I received your letter of September 9th, a 
few days ago, enclosing the official notice of my admission into the Asiatic Society, and 
conveying to me the very flattering offer of acting as Corresponding Secretary to your 
institution across the Indus; fond as I am of the study of antiquities, there could hardly 
be a greater pleasure to me, than filling the situation you propose, which would place 
me in communication with all the most skilful antiquaries and numismatologists of 
India, but really and truly, I have not the time to bestow on the duties of so fascinating 
an employment ; being now in a laborious and responsible Political situation, I feel it — 
incumbent on me to sacrifice, to a due fulfilment of my public duties, those pursuits 
which for many years past have formed my chief study and delight, and which when 
I am once fairly engaged on them, possess for me all the attraction that attaches 
the opium-eater to his drug. I have now brought myself to eschew antiquities upon 
principle, leaving unfinished several papers for which I am pledged to Societies in 
London, Paris, and Vienna, and it would be perfect ruin to me to be subjected afresh 
to the temptations which the office of your Corresponding Secretary would necessarily 
throw in my way. Epwarp Conno.ty would have been a most zealous and efficient 
coadjutor, and would probably have had it in his power to command the requisite 
leisure, but, alas! you will have heard long since of his untimely fate, and I doubt 
if there is any one in the country qualified to supply his place. 

“*T should like, if I found during the winter that public business was not very press- 
ing, to give you a series of letters to be published monthly in your Journal, tracing 
the outlines of such Historical and Geographical information as we possess regarding 
Affghanistan from the earliest ages to the present day, and inviting inquiry on all mat- 
ters of interest referring to the different epochs, but I could promise nothing more than 
outlines, for I certainly have not the information (and I almost doubt its being pro- 
curable) to fill up details, or attempt any thing like analysis; something of the sort 
however certainly requires to be done; hitherto the numismatical discoveries have 
hardly been turned to any account; we havea long list of names, but there has been 
no attempt to appropriate them to the different tribes and dynasties of which, chiefly 
through the Chinese authorities, we can darkly trace the succession in the regions be- 
tween the Oxus and the Indus, still less has there been any endeavour to affiliate these 
tribes, or to work out their descent into the. page of modern history. 

‘<I beg to return you my best thanks for the impression of Pottinger’s cylinder, it is 
arelic at least as ancient as the times of Cyrus and Darius, and must have travelled 
from the banks of the Euphrates to the spot where it was found in the Paropamisan 
mountains. The inscription is in the Hieartic Babylonian character, and is in fact 
the usual formula (probably a prayer) found upon all these sacred cylinders. This 
character, which is the third or complicated class of cuneiform writing, is crept in 
a few signs conjecturally rendered by Burnouf, altogether undecypherable. It is 
probably syllabic, and certainly embodies a semitic language. The means of rendering 
it intelligible are, however, I believe, in existence, and if I ever return to Persia, and 
can devote a year or two to the task, I do not despair of mastering it by the assist- 
ance of the Zend literal cuneiform characters, which I perfectly understand, and which 

862 Asiatic Society. [No. 104. 

is employed in the inscriptions, to render the translations from the Babylonian into the ~ 

ancient Persian. The character being once decyphered, the language to which it is ap- 
propriated will no doubt be found cognate with the Phenician, and I assert with confi- 
dence, that the knowledge thus obtained will open to us (always following the Mosai- 
cal early history of the world) an insight into the common original language of man- 
kind, as thousands of bricks stamped with this writing are found in the foundations of 
the tower of Babel, and must have been placed there before the confusion of tongues, 
when the language spoken in the plain of Shinar, was, I suppose it will be admitted, the 
same that Adam and Eve used in Paradise, and this I believe is about the ultimate 
limit that antiquarianism reaches ; joking apart, however, there is no doubt but the read- 
ing of this character will give us a decent knowledge of the history of Assyria and 
Babylonia from Nimus to Sadanapalus and Nebuchadnezar; the records are most 
ample. . 

‘¢ The inscription on Hutton’s antique, gives the title of the king as Palash (the Vola- 
gases of the Greeks) and from the style of the Pehleivee writing, probably refers to the 
_ Sassanian monarch of that name; but I have not yet satisfied myself as to the exact 
meaning of the entire legend. I have a vast number of impressions of Sassanian gems 
with legends, and willendeavour some day to give you a paper on them; but the subject 
is very obscure, and requires a still greater field of collation, than I have hitherto suc- 
ceeded in accumulating. 

‘*Coins are scarce in this part of the country, and the nomenclature of Bactrian and 
Melo-Scythian numismatology is, I fancy, pretty well exhausted, but all the useful 
part of the science requires, as I have already observed, still to be elaborated.” 

The Officiating Secretary submitted a note of charges for the printing of Part 2d, Vol. 
II of the Researches of the Society, and again suggested that a volume of Transactions 
might be prepared in octavo, should the Committee of Papers determine that the 
materials, which the Officiating Secretary was prepared to submit to them, were of a 
nature to admit of publication; the octavo form was, the Officiating Secretary observed, 
of advantage, not only as regarded the saving of expence, but also for facility of carriage, 
which was a matter of some importance for a Society which communicated with cor- 
responding members at so great a distance as did the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 

(Suggestion referred to the Committee of Papers.) 

Read a letter from Capt. T. S. Burt, of which the following is a copy— 

** Since my letter to you of the 19th October, I have been over to Chitore, and 
taken facsimiles of the inscriptions I met with there; their age is about 750 years, as 
well as I can make out; Tod speaks of those on the lofty pillar, but not of two others, 
which I found in an old temple there; I shall defer sending them to Calcutta for the 

**T have found some images of marble at Ajmere, 650 years of age, with inscriptions 
on their pedestals. 


1840. | Asiatic Society. : 863 

«J am now about to proceed to mount Aboo, celebrated by Tod, and I hope to find 
some Pali writing, as well as other characters there. 

‘“« My principal object in writing to you now, is this—my brother of the 64th states, 
that when looking for my ost drawings either in the Society’s apartments or inthe Mint, 
he found a number of facsimiles of old inscriptions bearing my signature, which were 
thrown aside in consequence of James PrinseEp’s illness; now as many of them, a few 
in particular, were very valuable, and of considerable age, as the pillars upon which 
I found them testify, I think it right to bring the circumstance to your notice, with 
a hope that you will not allow them to lie any longer as they now do, ‘ unnoticed 

9 399 

and unknown. 

The query put by Capt. Burt, regarding the fate of his inscriptions, was directed 

to be referred to the executors of the late Secretary, Mr. JAMES PRINSEP. 

Read a report from the Officiating Curator to the Society’s Museum, together with 
the following observations recorded by the Officiating Secretary, in submitting that 

Report to the Committee of Papers. 

** I have the honor to submit to the Committee of Papers, the accompanying report 
by our present Officiating Curator. The zeal with which Mr. PrppiNGTow is enter- 
ing on his task of arresting the progress of decay, will I trust be as grateful to the Com- 
mittee, who were the cause of his temporary appointment, as his labours are certain 
of being useful to the Society.” 

“To H. Torrens, Esa. 
* Dear Sir, “* Officiating Secretary of the Asiatic Society. 

** Having in pursuance of your letter of 27th December last assumed charge of the 
Museum of the Asiatic Society, as Officiating Curator, on Ist instant, I have now, in 
obedience to the resolutions of the Committee of Papers referred to in it, to submit my 
Monthly Report. 

** Palzontological, Geological, and Mineralogical Department.—The first im- 
pression which a cursory inspection of these departments of the Museum has given 
me, is a strong one of the sad dilapidation going on amongst them; partly in 
consequence of trusting to the very perishable recording, which ink, paper and paste 
admit of in a climate like this, and partly from the almost entire absence of any ge- 
neral or serial catalogues to the various collections; many of which, again, have evi- 
dently been broken into, for the purpose I presume of completing other arrangements ? 
but of no such arrangements, whether completed or left incomplete, has it seems any 
note or register unfortunately been left in the Museum. I have written to my pre- 
decessors on this subject, to ascertain if any records of any kind exist, and I yet trust we 
shall be able to rescue something to guide us in the sad confusion which now pre- 

“I may briefly state a few facts in confirmation of what is here said. In our rich 

Paleontological collection, no registers or catalogues, beyond the few lists printed 
: DR 

864 Asiatic Society. | [No. 104. 

in the Journal exist, that I can yet discover; and valuable specimens are fast losing 

their labels of names, and above all, of localities. In our Geological series I find, . 

amongst others, even those of Gerard, Voysey, and Franklin—the first particularly of 
unique specimens, collected often at the risk of his life at 16 and 18,000 feet of eleva- 
tion, midst the snows of the Himalaya, on the frontiers of Chinese Tartary—all going 
to utter confusion, through the growing indistinctness of the ink, and the ravages of 
damp and insects. Of the valuable collection of the Lavas of Vesuvius, presented 
by Sir Epwarp Ryan, though of this the Catalogue exists, yet only thirty-six out 
of nearly a hundred specimens can yet be found; I omit for brevity’s sake, further 
details of this nature. 

‘‘T have then thought it of urgency to confine myself almost wholly to arrest this 
dilapidation, and if possible, so to place every thing upon record as it now exists, 
or can be ascertained, that at all events farther mischief in this way may be stopped, 
and the records rendered as enduring as paint and printing can make them. The 


Museum book of ‘‘ Geological collections,’’ sent herewith, will shew what I propose 
doing for every series; and I have arranged in Case No. 8, Frame No. 1 (to the right 
hand below the stair-case) Dr. GERARD’s series, in such order, with its separate little 
book of reference in the case, that it is available for the study of visitors and members, 
and when the serial catalogue is printed, it will be beyond the reach of any thing 
but wilful confusion for a long period of years.* I shall be happy to have the opinion 
of the Committee on this plan of arrangement, and these views. My own feeling and 
judgment on this point is, that nothing could be more lamentable, and more dis- 
couraging to the progress of Indian Science, than the fact that collections, which 
men have almost literally laid down their lives to obtain, should thus be lost to their 
memory, and to the ends of Science. 

** Osteological Department.—In this division the want of cases for preserving the 

smaller skeletons from the effects of dust and dirt is much felt; and I beg to sub- _ 

mit this matter particularly to the attention of the Committee; for several of our 

skeletons are rare and valuable, and even a common one costs time and expence to 

replace, or repair it. The small skeletons are particularly liable to dilapidation when 
dusting, and from the incautious handling of visitors. 

“‘ Mammalogical Department.—In this again we are entirely without glass-cases, 
and in spite of daily care, much dilapidation must be going on, which is but too evident f 

in many of the specimens. 

“ Ornithological Department.—This and the following department are by far the 

best preserved of our collections, being fully provided with cases. 

‘* Reptiles, Fishes, &c.—Provided with cases, and generally in excellent preserva- ; 
tion. Mostly named, but no catalogues. The spirits of wine having partly evaporated i 
from many of the jars and bottles, it has been necessary to fill them up, which occa- i 
sions some extra expence. I am in hopes of at least diminishing this evil in future, iy 

* Vive series in all, are arranged, comprising 293 specimens, but only one is placed in acase — 

for inspection, 


oe a 

1840. | Asiatic Society. ; 865 

by the precaution of cementing over the stoppers, which, with their current duties, and 
the preparation of the additions to the Museum, mentioned hereafter, has been the 
standing employment of the Curator’s Assistants. 

‘¢ Additions to the Museum this month have been— 

*‘]. A valuable series of Geological specimens from Brimhan Ghaut, on the Ner- 
budda, to Omarkuntuck, the source of that river, by Dr. Sprtssury—Arranged and 

«2. The splendid skeleton and skin of the Gaur, from Chota Nagpore, by Major 
OusELEY—Skeleton mounted, skin suspended, being imperfect. 

«3. Skeleton of the Eagle formerly in the Society’s compound—Mounted. 

“4, A fine specimen of the Hematronus undulatus—From C. P. White, Esq, 
Midnapore ; stuffed. Duplicate of one in the Museum. 

**5. A pair of the young of the Cheel, Falco ater—Stuffed. 

‘¢6. A fine specimen of the Machal, Falco 
our collection )}—Stuffed. 

Asiatic Society’s Muszum, 
30th November, 1840. 

? (Purchased, not previously in 

I am, Sir, 
Your’s obediently, 
The Officiating Curator submitted his report on the Mineral specimens sentfrom Raj- 
pootana by Capt. Burt, under the supposition that they were of the nature of Coal. 

Mr, PippDINGTON observed, that it has no relationship to the Coal whatsoever, for it is 

infusible at a heat which blisters platina. It is one of the Titaniferous Oxigen of 


iron. He likewise submitted the following list of specimens as desiderata for the Osteo- 

logical branch of the Museum :— 

‘* Skeletons. 
; Neel Ghye. 
Samur, 4 horned Deer of Sumbhalpoor (Kotarn ?) 
5 Garial. 
Alligator (large.) 
Jyo, or wild Dog of Bundlecund. 
Do. or do. do. of Nepal. 
Do. or do. do. of Affghanistan. 

Tapirs of Tenasserim Province. 
Dugong of Singapore. 

For the presentations and contributions the thanks of the Society were accorded. 

st sities 48 omit hap ie hod 



as, fal to sits ss 8 


agclilot a bbl i pi 


ee 9 #9 

f ree? sbi 1 gett. laity 3 
f . tage 3 io) LO! ete TO SORE 
| - as ole a. at 

7 e bi bt ps ath te, 

tiie fs «alae 




Description of, and deductions from a consideration of, some new 
Bactrian coins. By Lieut. ALEXANDER ConninGHaM, Engineers. 

There are but few notices of Bactrian history to be found in ancient 
authors; and some even, of those few, do not agree: so that we are 
compelled, in the absence of historical aid, to examine the numismato- 
logy of Bactria, as Butter’s philosophers examined the moon, by its 
own light. And thus a good cabinet of the coins of the Bactrian 

princes, is to an experienced numismatist 
_ A famous history ........ enroll’d, 
In everlasting monuments of brass—’’ 
from which he may draw the data for a chronological arrangement of 

those princes, many of whom are “‘of dynasties unknown to history.” 
In this paper, however, I shall confine myself to a notice of the pieces 
figured in the accompanying plate, merely adding such inferences 
as a careful examination of the coins has suggested to me. 

No. 1. A round copper coin of large size, and of brittle metal, 
of middling execution, and in fair preservation. 

Obverse. Figure of Apollo standing half turned to the right, with the 
chlamys falling behind, and a quiver at his shoulder; holding in 
his left hand an arrow pointed downwards, his right hand resting 

on the arrow. Legend in three lines BAZIAEQE ZOTHPOZ 

AITOAAOAOTOY 3; « (coin) of the saviour king Apollodotus.” 
Reverse. A tripod;—legend in Bactrian Pali PASAPD Pray 
PYTNLv, Maharaasa tradatasa Apéladatasa ; “(coin) of the great 
No. 105, New Series, No. 21. 5s 

868 — Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105. 

king Apollodotus, the saviour.” I have ventured to render the Bac- 
trian Pali equivalent of Soteros, in a new way, which appears to me 
to give the exact meaning of the Greek word. It will be seen that 
at the foot of the initial letter, there is a stroke backwards, which, from 
its occurrence in the name of Eucratidas, and in the word putrasa, 
for the Sanskrit Gated, must be the letter R in composition, thus 
making the word érd-datasa, or “‘ of the giver of trdn (S. =Tuq) safety,” 

i.e, “the saviour.” In the field are two Bactrian Pali characters, 
which I read as 7 and ¢; the former of these is found only on this coin, 
and on No. 2 of Colonel Stacy’s new coins (see J. A. S. of Bengal 
for April, 1839, p. 344,) which I will hereafter show to belong to the 
family of Undopherras. 

This piece is of the same type as the well known round coins of Apol- 
lodotus ; but it differs from them in being of inferior execution, in hav- 
ing its legend disposed in three straight lines, instead of around the 
piece, and in its monogramatic characters, the principal of which, 
by its after occurrence on an undoubted Parthian coin of the fa- 
mily of Undopherras, leads me to assign the mintage of this piece to 
some place in Ariana, south of Bactria Proper and of the Indian 
Caucasus, and to extend the rule of Apollodotus from the Paropamisus 
to Patalene, and perhaps even to Barugaza, where we know that 
his drachmas were current more than two hundred years afterwards. 

Various places have been assigned to Apollodotus in the list of 
Bactrian princes, none of which have received any general assent ; and 
as the only passages in which he is mentioned by ancient authors, give 
no clue for fixing his proper rank amongst the kings of Bactria, we 
must be content to see our way by the light glimmering 

‘On narrow coins through dim cerulean rust,”’ 
which has led me to the conclusion, that Apollodotus was the son of 
Eucratidas the great king ; this opinion, which I offer with much diffi- 
dence, is founded upon the following facts :— 

First.—The common round drachmas of Apollodotus bear the title 
of Philopater, which title M. Jacquet conjectured would declare his fa- 
ther to have been of royal origin, for had he been in a private station, his 
son would not have paid him so striking an honor. M. Raoul-Rochette 
says, that this conjecture appears very plausible, and he adds, “ but there 
is something more to be remarked here, which is, that on the coins of the 

1840.} | Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 869 

kings of this part of the East, especially on those of the Arsacide, 
the epithet of Philopater indicates the association of a son in the royal 
title of the father.” From this M. Raoul-Rochette supposes that Apol- 
lodotus was the son of Menander, and that he was associated in the 
government with his father, and consequently took the title of Philo- 
pater in addition to the epithet of saviour, which was common to both 
princes. The opinion of so eminent an antiquary as M. R. Rochette, 
must always command respect, even when it fails to produce convic- 
tion; and did not the facts which have led me to a different conclusion 
seem particularly strong and clear, I should certainly hesitate in dis- 
senting from one, in every way so well qualified to judge. Now it ap- 
pears from the quotation given above, that the epithet of Philopater 
indicates the association of a son in the royal title of his father; and 
we know from Justin (lib. 41. c. 6,) that Eucratidas had made his son 
‘“‘a partner in his kingdom ;” from which it results almost conclusively, 
that Apollodotus, who was the only prince that bore the title of Philo- 
pater, must have been the son of Eucratidas, the only king who is re- 
corded to have associated his son in the Bactrian kingdom with him- 

Second.—The rarity of the coins bearing the title of Philopater in 
comparison with the other coins of Apollodotus, would seem to prove 
that these pieces were all struck during his association in the govern- 
ment with his father, on their return from the Indian conquests; and 
that after having murdered Eucratidas, he dropped the title of ‘lover 
of his father,” which to have continued would have been ridiculous, as 
well as an outrage upon humanity. Now we know that this unnatural 
son gloried in the murder, and, ‘as if he had slain an enemy, and not 
his father, he both drove his chariot through his blood, and ordered his 
body to be thrown out unburied ;” which circumstance most satisfac- 
torily accounts for the comparative scarcity of the coins of Apollodotus, 
which bear the title of Philopater; for had the murderer wished to 
have concealed his crime, he would certainly not have dropped the 
title of lover of his father, but would rather have published it on all 
his coins, as a presumptive proof of his innocence ; we also know that 

the coins bearing this title are found mostly in the Punjab, and some 
even in India, while none were found by Mr. Masson in the classic 

site of Beghram ; which facts serve still more strongly to establish my 

870 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105. 

opinion, that these coins of Apollodotus Philopater were struck during 
his association in the government with his father Eucratidas, on 
their return from the Indian expedition. Now the square drachmas 
of this prince, which has the elephant and the Indian humped bull, 
are common at Beghram and in the valley of the Kabul river, 
as well as in the Punjab; and thus they would seem to have been 
struck by this parricidal prince after the murder of his eewiit in com- 
memoration of the Indian victory. 

Third.—The partiality of Kucratidas for ‘‘the god of Love and Poesie 
and Light” is proved by the frequent occurrence of the figure of Apollo 
as the reverse of his tetradrachms, and by the laurelled head of Apollo 

found on the round copper coin of this prince, belonging to the 

Austrian cabinet; and nothing could be more natural in one, whose 

favourite and patron deity was the glorious sun, than to call his 

child Apollo-dotus, “the gift of Apollo ;” and we may even suppose 
that the birth of this child was the fulfilment of some prayer, made to 
the patron god. 

Fourth.—The figure of Apollo is portrayed on the square copper 
coins of Apollodotus, standing exactly in the same attitude as that 
in which he is figured on many of the tetradrachms of Eucratidas, 
which is worthy of notice, as it. establishes a close numismatic con- 
nexion between the coins of these two princes. 

Such are the facts which prove, in my opinion, the relationship be- 

tween Eucratidas and Apollodotus ; and my conclusion is still further ; 
borne out by the evident inferiority of the round Philopater drachmas — 

to the square drachmas bearing the elephant and the Indian humped ~ 
bull, which remarkable difference may be easily accounted for, by the © 
fact, that the Philopater coins must have been struck by less skilful 

workmen, during the return from the Indian expedition; while the — 

square drachmas, which are of superior execution, of bold relief, — 

and of most beautiful make, would have been coined by the best artists 
in the metropolis of Bactria. 

No.2. A round copper coin, of large size, of middling make, 

and in fair preservation. 

Obverse. Figure of Apollo standing half turned to the right; 
the chlamys falling behind, and a quiver at his shoulder, holding 
in his left hand an arrow pointed downwards ; his right hand raised 

-  e 

1840. | Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 871 

and resting on the tail of the arrow. In the field behind the figure, 
there is a small elephant to the right. Legend disposed circularly 
BASIAEQS FQTHPOS ZwlAOY ; « (coin) of the saviour king 

Reverse. A tripod. In the field to the left the Bactrian letter ¢, and 
to the right the letter a. Legend disposed circularly PAX PAIN 
Piniw, Maharajasa trddatasa Johilasa ; “ (coin) of the great king 
Zoilus, the saviour.” 

The identity of this piece, in type, size, and make, with the round 
copper coins of Apollodotus, would seem to point out some close con- 
nexion between these two princes, which is further strengthened by 
the appearance of the elephant in the field of this coin, a type of most 
common occurrence on the silver coins of Apollodotus, and on the 
square copper coins of Heliocles, the grandfather of Apollodotus; on 
whose coins the elephant occupies the whole field of the piece, but on 
the coin of Zéilus is reduced to a mere symbo]. The appearance of an 
elephant on this unique coin of a new prince, taken in conjunction 
with the identity of its type with another of the coins of Apollodotus, 
‘induces me to hazard a conjecture that Zdilus may have been a son of 
Apollodotus, and have succeeded his father for a short time on the 
throne of Bactria. For it appears to me scarcely possible that Apollo- 
dotus, whose coins are not very common, should have reigned from 148 
B. C., the period assigned for the murder of Eucratidas, till 126. B. c., 
when the Bactrian empire was overthrown by the Scythians. I sup- 
pose that Apollodotus after having assisted Demetrius Nicator of Syria 
in his successful expedition against the Parthians, in B. c. 142, was fi- 
nally defeated, and perhaps slain, by the Parthians under Arsaces, 6th 
Mithridates, about B. c. 140—at which time Mithridates having made 
Demetrius prisoner, is said to have extended his arms from the 
Euphrates to the Hydaspes. Upon the death of Mithridates, in B. c. 
136, I suppose Menander to have established himself in the provinces 
south of the Caucasus, and to have added India beyond the Hypanis to 
his dominions, while Bactria Proper and Sogdiana were overwhelmed 
by an irruption of the Scythians in 126 B. c. 

No. 3. A round copper piece plated with silver, of the size of 
adrachma. It is Horace who observes that ‘“‘ a good and wise man is 
not ignorant (quid distent era lupinis) of the difference between 

872 Lieut. Cunningham on Bacirian coins. [No. 105. 

true coins and counterfeits ;” hence we may easily discern that this 
coin is a forgery, although an ancient one, for it was found amongst 
a heap of rusty pieces of copper, completely covered with indurated 
clay, and as no price was given for it, it is certain that it is not 
a forgery of modern manufacture; for where no money return was 
expected, there could be no inducement to go to the expence and trouble 
of making a false coin. The plating of the edges and of the letters is 
now worn off, and the letters appear sunk in the copper, amid the silver 
plating. The piece is of good Grecian workmanship, and is similar in 
all respects to the tetradrachms of Antimachus, already known. 

Obverse. Head of the king in the Macedonian helmet to the right, 
the ends of the diadem floating behind the head. 

feverse. The figure of Neptune standing to the front, holding 
in his right hand a trident, and in his left a palm branch. Legend 
in two lines BaotAcQd Ocov ANTIMAyov; “(coin of the king) 
Antimachus (theus).” Monogram in the field composed probably of the 
same letters XO, which appear on the tetradrachm belonging to 
Colonel Taylor, the British Resident at Bagdad. The same monogram 
with a square [j occurs frequently on the coins of Azes. M. Raoul- 
Rochette remarks upon the coins of this prince, that the titles 
of Theus and of Nicephorus, were both borne by Antiochus, 4th 
Epiphanes, and also that the figure of Victory found on the com- 
mon drachmas of Antimachus was a type known on the coins of 
the same Syrian prince, from which remarkable coincidences, he justly 
concludes that the Bactrian prince Antimachus must have flourished at 
the same time as the Syrian king Antiochus, 4th Epiphanes, or about 
170 8. c., and from the total absence of his coins in the classic ruins 
of Beghram, he deduces that Antimachus must have reigned north 
of the Caucasus. In all these observations, which are as just as they 
are acute, I most willingly concur; but I cannot say that I perceive 
even the faintest resemblance between the tetradrachms of Antimachus 
and those of Heliocles, although the same able numismatist has observed 
a strong likeness. M. Raoul-Rochette likewise supposes that the type of 
Neptune on the reverse, probably alludes to some naval victory, where 
Antimachus may have assisted Antiochus of Syria; which event he 
thinks is still further declared by the type of ee found on the 
common drachmas of this prince. 

1840.] Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 873 

The date of 170 B. c., would make Antimachus contemporary with 
Eucratidas ; and the absence of his coins at Beghram, would point out 
the ancient Sogdiana as the territory probably ruled by him—which 
probability is rendered still stronger by the knowledge which we derive 
from Justin, that this country did not belong to the dominions of 
Eucratidas. It is not too much then to suppose, that it was during the 
reign of this king Antimachus, that the Bactrians “were worn out by 
wars with the Sogdians, Drangians, and Indians,” as related by the same 
author; and that as a monument of their success, Antimachus impress- 
ed the figure of Victory upon his coins, and assumed the title of Nice- 
phorus. As a further proof that these two princes were contemporaries, 
I will cite the analogies that we find in their coins, which are the 
earliest specimens, save a few square copper coins of Heliocles, that 
bear legends in Bactrian Pali; and it is a peculiarity remarkable in the 
coins of these princes, that we find no Bactrian Pali legends on their 
silver coins, excepting on those drachmas of Antimachus which are of 
a much lighter weight, indicating most probably a later period of his 
reign; for Antimachus assumed the Macedonian helmet, and mostlikely 
affected to disdain the Bactrian customs and language, in the earlier 
part of his reign. Here then we -have two contemporary princes, 
Antimachus of Sogdiana, and Eucratidas of Bactriana, whose coins 
exhibit the two distinct characteristics found in the numismatology of 
Bactria—namely, coins bearing Greek inscriptions only, and those 
bearing both Greek and Bactrian Pali legends. These facts establish 
the certainty that these two princes must occupy places in their respec- 
tive dynasties between the kings who used Greek inscriptions only, 
and those who used both Greek and Bactrian Pali legends, and this 
rank agrees exactly with that already assigned to these princes upon 
other grounds. Hence we may safely infer that Philoxenes in Sogdiana, 
and Apollodotus and Menander in Bactriana, must be subsequent to 
Antimachus and to Eucratidas ; and that the numerous other princes 
whose names have been made known to us by bilingual coins only, must 
likewise be subsequent to these two kings, Antimachus and Eucratidas, 
whose coins form a transition series between those using the Greek 
language only, and those which bear legends in both languages. 

No. 4. A silver piece of the size of a drachma, of beautiful work- 
manship, and in excellent preservation. 

874 Lieut. Cunningham on Bacirian coins. ([No. 105. 

Obverse. Head of the king helmeted to the right; the ends of the 
diadem floating behind the head, and the chlamys fastened on the 
shoulder. The helmet on this coin is similar to that found on many of 
the coins of Menander and of Eucratidas, and more especially to that 
found on the beautiful didrachm of Philoxenes—and differs from the 
Macedonian helmet, which is found on all the known coins of Antialci- 
das. Legend, disposed circularly, BAZIAKQS NIKH®OPOY 
ANTIAAKIAOY 5; « (coin) of the King Antialcidas, the victorious.” 

Reverse. The Olympian Jupiter seated, and slightly turned to the left. 
In his left hand is a sceptre ; andin his outstretched right hand is a figure 
of Victory, which extends a chaplet to the left in one hand, and holds a 
palm in the other; to the left, and under the figure of Victory, is the 
forepart of an elephant, similar to that found on the common drachmas 
of this prince, but in a contrary direction, for on this coin it is portrayed 
facing the figure of Jupiter ; a Grecian monogram in the field composing 
KAM, and differing from all the monograms yet found on the coins of 
this prince. The monogram as represented in the plate is faulty, and 
should have under the cross stroke of the A, thus making the monogram 
as I have read it; legend in Bactrian characters PYALU PA hHINZ 
PIZAN Maharaasa jayadharasa Antialikidasa ; ‘“‘ (coin) of the great 
King Antialcidas, the victorious.” It: is worthy of remark, that this 
coin weighs only 35 grains, or a little more than a hemidrachma: but 
the best preserved drachmas of the common type of Antimachus weigh 
only 41 grains, and these light weights betoken a period subsequent to 
Eucratidas, whose drachmas are of the Grecian standard weight. 

No. 5. A round copper coin of middle size, of good execution, and 
in fair preservation. | 

Obverse. A head bearded and wreathed, looking to the right, the 
shoulders and bust bare, the right hand grasping a thunderbolt, as if 
about to hurl it forwards. Circular legend BAZIEQS NIKH- 
®OPOY ANTIAAKIAOY; « (coin) of the victorious king Antial- 
cidas.” This bearded and wreathed head is no doubt that of Jupiter 
Nicephorus, whose figure forms the only reverse of all the known silver 
coins of Antialcidas. Here we have more of the bust than on the 
square copper coins of this prince; and the hand grasping the thun- 
derbolt, which projects across the neck, shows that the undecided 
object, indifferently called “a palm, a thyrsus, or a club,” which is 

1840. | Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 875 

found in the same position on the square copper coins of Antialcidas, 
is most probably only a thunderbolt; and as the head on these coins 
of Antialcidas, as well as on the similar square copper coins of Lysias, is 
undoubtedly bearded, I think we may safely infer that it represents 
Jupiter Nicephorus, and not the prince himself. 

Reverse. The caps of the Dioscuri, surmounted by the stars Castor 
and Pollux, with two palms placed between them; in the field below is 
a monogram which seems to be composed of the letter MOI. Legend 
in Bactrian Pali, disposed circularly, PAh49% a[PT]ZAS. PANY, 
Maharajasa jayadha(rasa) Antialikidasa; ‘ (coin) of the victori- 
ous great king Antialcidas.” 

This same type of the caps of the Dioscuri is found on many of the 
coins of Eucratidas, both in silver and in copper, and also on one cop- 
per coin of Lysias. The make of the square copper coins of Antialci- 
das, which is precisely similar to that of the square coins of Lysias, is 
totally different from that of all the square coins of Eucratidas, which I 
have seen; and this being the case, I do not suppose that the identity of 
type indicates any connexion between these princes—but merely 
proves that Antialcidas must be nearly contemporary with Kucratidas, 
or perhaps a little later, for all his coins yet found, both in silver and in 
copper, have bilingual inscriptions. With Lysias, however, I suppose 
the connexion to be closely and clearly indicated, for the coins of these 
two princes are identical in type, shape, and appearance, and also in 
thickness. The numismatic relations between this prince and Anti- 
machus are striking and obvious; both princes wear the Macedonian 
helmet, which is likewise worn by Amyntas on a beautiful drachma in the 
possession of Dr. Chapman, and both take the same title of Nicephorus: 
both have the figure of Victory upon their coins, and both occasionally 
employ the same monograms; all which coincidences lead me to assign 
to Antialcidas a rank in the same dynasty with Antimachus and Phi- 
loxenes, and immediately following the latter prince, or about B. c. 
150 to 140. | 

The princes whose coins I am next to notice are of uncertain origin, 
not one of them having a purely Greek name. On the early coins of 
this class, however, the names are expressed clearly enough in Grecian 
characters, but on the coins of the later princes the names expressed 
in corrupted Greek characters are doubtful, and vary on different 


876 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. (No. 105. 

specimens of the same king, while the name in Bactrian Pali on 
the reverse remains constant and unchanged; hence, as a man who 
carries a string through the mazes of a labyrinth, is, on his returning 
ignorant of the way, guided by that which he had before conducted, or 
as a father who directs his child in youth, is in his declining old age 
- guided by that child; so do we find that the Greek names which had 
been our guide during the infancy of our study of the Bactrian Pali, 
are now in their turn, consequent on the deckne and corruption of the 
Grecian language, elucidated by our more matured knowledge of the 
language of Bactria. It will be of advantage to bear this in mind, for 
the amount of corruption and barbarism to be found in each name 
expressed in Greek characters, will be of singular value in determining 
the relative route of these later princes, whose names truly and cor- 
rectly expressed in the native character, will enable us not only to 
correct the bad Greek version of the coins, but perhaps also to assist 
in identifying them with princes of the same names, mentioned by native 

No. 6. A round copper coin of small size, of good workmanship, 
and in defective preservation. . 

Obverse. The Sinha, or maneless Indian lion, walking to the right, 
differing from the usual representation of this animal on the coins of 
Azas, in having one of the fore legs raised. In the field a Bactrian 
monogram. Legend disposed circularly, BAZIAEQ= BAZTAEQN 
METAAOY AZOYs; ‘ (coin) of the great king of kings, Azas.” 

Reverse. A female figure standing half turned to the left, holding in 
her left hand an object, which may be the horn of Plenty, and extend-— 
ing in the right hand an undecided object, which from a comparison with 
other coins is, I suspect, a small figure of Victory, holding out a chaplet. 
In the field to the right is a Bactrian monogram forming ¢, and on 
the other side an indistinct object. Legend disposed circularly, PA? 
PILY PLALT PLT, Maharajasa rajatirajasa mahatasa Ayasa ; 
** (coin) of the great king, the king of kings, the mighty Aja.” Two 
very imperfect specimens of this type were published by Mr. Prinsep in 
the 2nd vol. of his Journal, (figs. 11 and 12, plate vii.) but he was 
unable to recognize them at that early period of our knowledge. 

No. 7. A square copper coin of middle size of good execution, 
and in excellent preservation. 


1840.) = Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 877 

Obverse. The king mounted upon a two humped Bactrian camel, 
walking to the right, with a bow at his back, and extending in his right . 
hand a cross over the head of the camel. Inscription in four lines as 
in the preceding. : 

Reverse. The humped Indian bull, walking to the right, the upper 
part of the legs very thick, as if covered with long shaggy hair. Inscrip- 
tion on three sides PAD PAu PLALT PAILu, Maharajasa rajara- | 
jasa mahatasa Ayasa; ‘‘(coin) of the great king, the king of kings, 
the mighty Aja.” 

A specimen of this type has already appeared in the London Numis- 
matic Journal; on that coin, however, there is a monogram composed of 
the letters ¢ and x, while this coin has no monogram of any kind. 

The Bactrian camel is figured on this piece in a much better 
style than on the round copper coins of this prince. These pieces 
would seem to form part of a series of coins struck by Azas, or 
Aja, to show the extent of his kingdom by the exhibition of animals 
characteristic of the different countries under his rule; the elephant 
and humped bull of India, the double-humped camel of Bactria, and 
perhaps the shaggy long haired bull of Tibet. The total absence of 
his coins at Beghram, proves that his rule did not embrace the country 
around Kabul, while the abundance of his coins found at Bajawur, in 
the Punjab, and in the lower hills south of Kashmeer, taken in conjunc- 
tion with the various animals displayed upon these coins, clearly show 
that his authority extended over the ancient Pencelaotis, and over the 
kingdoms of Taxiles and of Porus, embracing the whole country from 
the Jellalabad river to the country beyond the Hypanis, bounded to 
the north by the Indus, and to the south by the Ocean. 

That his reign was a long one, is evinced by the variety and abun- 
dance of his coins, which form the most numerous and most complete, 
as well as the most interesting series of Bactrian coins yet discovered. 
His name, as it is written in the Bactrian Pali, is a genuine Hindoo 
appellation, being either Ayw, or more probably Aja, the y and 7 being 
permutable letters ; and I incline strongly to connect him with the 
prince whose coins bear the legends of BAZIAEQ2 MAYOY and of 
is certainly not a Greek one, while, on the other hand, it is a classical 
Hindoo name, as Maya (the son of Karryapa by Dana) which would be 

878 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105. 

rendered in Greek by MAYA2, adding the = to form the Grecian 
termination. Here then we have coins of two princes, with genuine 
Hindoo names, written in the Greek character, and with types almost 
all relating to India, some of which are of the highest interest, and of 
the greatest value. The Indian origin of these two princes is further 
declared in the plainest and most obvious manner by their being 
represented on their coins seated in the Indian fashion—(see fig. 11, 
pl. xxi. vol. rv. and figs. 12, 13, pl. xxii. vol. rv. Journal Asiatic So- 
ciety of Bengal), and their Indian Government is shown by the absence 
of their coins at Beghram, and by their abundance in the Punjab. 

T suppose these two princes to have reigned in the Punjab at the 
same time with Hermeus in Kabul; a supposition which is rendered 
extremely probable by the localities in which their coins are found, as 
well as by their style of execution, which betrays a declining period of 
Grecian art. The coins of Hermzus, which abound at Beghram, are 
rarely met with in the Punjab, which fact serves to point out the 
position of his kingdom in as clear a manner as could be wished. Now 
Hermzus must have been posterior to Apollodotus and to Menander, 
both of whom bear the same title of Soter, which Hermes affects ; 
and as both Apollodotus and Menander possessed the Punjab, it is 
equally certain that Maya and Aja, who ruled in the Punjab, must 
likewise have been subsequent to Apollodotus and Menander, and 
therefore contemporary, or nearly so, with Hermezeus, or about 100 B. c. 
I have much more to offer regarding Aja (or Azes), but I will reserve 
it for a longer account of these princes, which I am now engaged upon. 

I may, however, notice here a passage from Caius Julius Solinus, re- — 
garding the Bactrian camel. In chap. lii. he says ‘ Bactri camelos — 

fortissimos mittunt, licet et Arabia plurimos gignat. Verum hoc dif- 
ferunt, quod Arabici bina tubera in dorso habent, singula Bactriant.” 
This gross error has probably arisen from a transposition of the words ; 

but it is nevertheless sufficient to put us on our guard against the 

assertions of ancient authors, no matter how clear and positive they — 

may be; and to make us exclaim with Hudibras— 

Alas! what is’t t’us 

Whether t’was said by Trismegistus, 

If it be nonsense, false, or mystic, 

Or not intell’ gible or sophistic, 

T’is not antiquity nor author 

That makes Truth Truth, although Time’s daughter. 

1840. | Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 879 

No. 8. A round copper coin of middle size, of fair make, and in de- 
fective preservation. 

Obverse. Figure of the king on horseback to the right; his right 
hand raised, and extended to the front. In the field in front of the 
horse a symbol which may be either a stiff representation of the 
caduceus, which is found on the coins of Maya, or it may be a mono- 
gram composed of the Indian Pali letters m and m.; the former is, I 
think, the more probable. Inscription in corrupted Greek, very im- 
perfect, BACIAEC (sic) BACIAEWN MEPA......YNAO..... 
(coin) of the great kings of kings Undapherras.” 

Reverse. A figure, probably of Victory, walking to the right, her 
right hand extended to the front, and holding out an indistinct object, 
which is possibly intended for a chaplet ; her left hand holding a spear. 
In the field to the right a square monogram, apparently composing 
XDIY, to the left a Bactrian monogram formed of the Bactrian 
characters mi and sr probably. Legend in Bactrian Pali, PUPs Patu 
PYSIT PIN, Maharajasa rajadirajasa mahatasa Andopharasa ; 
*‘(coin) of the great king, the king of kings, the mighty Andophara.” 

This coin only slightly differs from that published by Mr. Prinsep 
in his Journal for July 1838, No. 14; and is almost the same as that 
figured in the Numismatic Journal of London, No. — of plate 3, which 
Professor Wilson has given to Azes, but which is undoubtedly a coin 
of Undopherras or Andophara. 

The coins of this prince, which I have seen, are of three different 
types, all exhibiting very different styles of execution; some being of 
fair workmanship with good Grecian letters, whilst others are utterly 
barbarous. These facts, which show, by the variety of mintage, the 
numerous mints established by this prince, likewise show the wide ex- 
tent of his rule. 

The name of Undopherras, which has a striking affinity to the well 
know Persian names of Phrataphernes, Dataphernes, Radhaphernes, and 
Tissaphernes, and more particularly to Intaphernes, would lead us to 
suppose him to be a Parthian, or a Persian; a supposition which is 
almost established by the evident Parthian type of the coins of this 
prince (or of one of his direct descendants) published by Colonel Stacy 
(Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, April, 1839). His name is spelt on some speci- 

880 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105. 

mens Undopharas, which agrees much better with the Bactrian Pali 
reading of Andophara, than the usual spelling of Undopherras. 

His coins, which are common at Beghram, and of frequent occurrence 
over all Ariana, are but rarely met with in the Punjab. These loca- 
lities point out the extent. of the kingdom of Undopherras, which must 
have embraced the Paropamisus, with Aria, Drangiana, and Arachosia, 
and most probably also Gedrosia, a territory bordering on Parthia, 
and which belonged occasionally to the Parthian empire itself, but 
separated from it by the natural boundaries of the great salt desert 
‘‘and the vast Carmanian waste.” This was the most eastern pro- 
vince of the Parthian empire during its most flourishing period, and 
after the defeat and death of Phraates 2nd, and of his successor Arta- 
banus by the Scythians, and the consequent destruction of the empire, 
and after the commencement of the distant western wars with the 
Romans, and with Tigranes Ist of Armenia, which drained the eastern 
provinces of Parthia of all the forces necessary to keep them in sub- 
jection ; no position could be more favorable, no circumstances more 
tempting for successful revolt, and for the establishment of an inde- 
pendent monarchy. Now from the evidence furnished by the coins of 
Abalgasa, we may deduce two positions of much value to our argument ; 
Jirst, Abalgasa, or Abalgasus, who calls himself the son of Undopher- 
ras, would seem, from the similarity of his name to the well-known 
names of AXb-azus, Bacab-azus, Pharnab-azus, and Artab-azus, to have 
been of a Persian or Parthian family ; thus strengthening the supposition 
which I have already advanced, regarding his father Undopherras, that 
he was of Persian or Parthian family ; and, second, that Undopherras, 
or Andophara, was most probably the first of his family, who had en- 
joyed sovereign power, as his coins make no mention of his father. 
Hence we may not unreasonably suppose that this Undopherras, the 
founder of monarchy in his own family, was a Persian Satrap placed 
over the eastern provinces of the Parthian empire, about 80 B. c., and 
that he profited by the disturbed state of the country to make himself 
independent. This supposition is much strengthened by the fact, that 
the walled town of Furrab, which is surrounded by ancient ruins, 
is in the midst of the countries in which this prince’s coins most 
abound ; and it may very possibly have been the capital of Andophara 
and of his dynasty ; for this town was called Parra by the Greeks, 

1840. | Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 881 

and I believe also Phra; although its native name was more likely 
Phara (or Furrah), and in support of this being the true reading, I 
may adduce the following quotation from Lycophron (Cass. v. 1428). 

KUuuEN0C Vorwe 
Ska kadv~ea Teppav, auPrAvvwv osAac, 

in which the word Perras, used to signify “ the sun,” is only a Hellenized 
form of the Egyptian Phra or Phara; and hence we may conclude that 
Undopherras is only a Grecian rendering of Andophara (or Andophra) 
the very name which is found inthe Bactrian Pali legends of the re- 
verses of his coins. . 

To omit nothing that may possibly be of use to us in elucidating the 
history of this prince, known only by our coins, I will add my con- 
jecture that Undopherras, or Indopherras, may very probably have been 
a descendant of Intaphernes, one of the seven conspirators against the 
Magian Smerdis. The names do not differ nearly so much in their 
spelling, as the names of Orientals generally do, when written by Euro- 
peans of different ages and nations; and we have already seen that thesame 
word Phra or Phara has been rendered both by Parra and by Perras. 
We know besides, that the name of Darius descended in his family to 
the time of Alexander; and also that the name of Megabyzus, another 
of the seven conspirators descended to his grandson; while the name 
of his son Zopyrus was transmitted to his great-grandson as relat- 
ed by Herodotus. Here then we have evidence that the Persians, 
as well as the Greeks, called their children not by the father’s, but by 
the grandfather’s names, a custom which is still prevalent all over India, 
thus transmitting a name by alternate generations ; hence if our Undo- 
pherras was descended from Intaphernes, the conspirator, it must have 

_been about the l7th generation. Now Intaphernes was put to death 
by Darius soon after the death of Smerdis, or about 520 B. c.; at which 
time the eldest son of Intaphernes, the only one of his children spared, 
may have been ten years of age, making his birth in 530 B. c. from 
which 15 generations of 30 years, or 450 years being deducted, leave 80 
B. C. for the birth of Undopherras, making him about 25 years of age 
when he assumed independence. This is indeed only a conjecture, but 
it is one so interesting, and also so plausible, that we may wish it, 
though we cannot prove it, to be true. 

882 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. _[No. 105. 

Nos. 9 and 10. Round copper coins of middle size, of fair make, and 
in fair preservation. 

Obverse. Figure of the king on horseback to the left ; the king’s 

face half inclined to the front ; the ends of the diadem floating behind ; 
the right hand raised, and extended to the front ; in the field before the 
horse the same monogram as on the coin of Undopherras just described. 
Legend in barbarous Greek— 
On No, 100-5. ditto ditto. BABAATASDAI 
‘¢ (coin) of the deliverer of kings, Abalgasus,” where TAEYCIHPHIY 
is used for EAEYOEPIOY. It is indeed quite possible that the 
doubtful letters may be AAEA®LIYIDY put the pluralBA 2IAELUN 
is against this reading, as well as the Bactrian Pali legend of the 
reverse. The epithet of Hlentherius, which I believe is altogether 
novel in numismatics, is well known as a title of Jupiter; and its sub- 
stitution for the simpler Soter is quite in accordance with Oriental 
presumption ; and taken in conjunction with the inferiority of the coin, 
it denotes a lower era of Grecian civilization, and a more flourishing 
period of the progress of barbarism. 

Reverse. A male figure moving to the right, dressed evidently in 
the Indian dhot: ; and from the ends of a diadem appearing behind his 
head, I should suppose him to be a royal personage ; the right hand is 
raised and extended before him, holding out an indistinct object, not 
unlike the hankboos, or elephant goad. In the field are two Bactrian 
monograms which have baffled all my endeavours to read; the upper 
portion to the left however looks not unlike a compound of the Grecian 
letters Pand M. In the field of No. 10 there is likewise the Grecian 
letter B to the left of the figure. Legend in Bactrian Pali, 

Maharajasa traédatasa Abagasasa Andophara khudra putrasa ; 
“‘(coin) of the great saviour king Abagasa, the younger son of 
Andophara.” In this long and highly interesting legend there are but 
two doubtful letters immediately before putrasa: these two letters I 
read with some hesitation as khudra, the Pali equivalent of the Sanskrit 
kshudra, which means “ younger,” and completes the legend | 
more satisfactorily than any other word which IJ can propose. 

1840. ] Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 883 

A third specimen of the coins of this prince exists in Captain Hay’s 
collection, of which he has kindly sent me impressions. The horseman 
on his coin is moving to the right, and the Grecian legend I am un- 
able to read even plausibly, some of the letters being rubbed, and two 
or three lost by a chip in the sealing-wax impression ; the legend how- 
ever differs entirely from that of the coins just described, while the 
Bactrian Pali legend agrees in every single letter with the legend deci- 
phered above. 

Two other coins of this prince, in the collection of Dr. Chapman, of 
the 16th Lancers, are, through his kindness, now lying before me. 
One of them is like Captain Hay’s coin, and has the horseman to the 
right, but neither of them is so perfect as the worse coin of the two 
engraved; and they lend but little assistance towards reading the 
Grecian legend: one of them has IAEY ... UY BASIAEILUN, 
which agrees with the inscriptions of the engraved coins; and tends 
to confirm the correctness of my reading of IAEYR HPLUY for 
EAEYOEPIOY. The Bactrian Pali legends give no more than the 
name of the prince and of his father. The only doubtful letter in the 
name is the third. On No. 10 this letter is 6; being almost the same 
as our own numeral for five; and this same figure is on Captain Hay’s 
coin. Qn one of Dr. Chapman’s coins however the third letter is ¢; 
being the same as the last, reversed, but on the other coin it is J; 
which last is probably the same as the first, much straightened, and 
precisely what I should suppose would be the written form of the first ; 
the reversed form may easily have occurred from the neglect of the en- 
graver ; this reduces all these forms to the first 6; and this character 
must therefore have the value of the Greek I’, for there is no appear- 
ance of any compounded “/init. If I am right in the value which I 
have assigned to this letter 5 or J as g, then must the initial letter of 
the legend on the coins of Kadaphes Zathus, S be gh, for it is formed 
upon the same principle as the kA. On one of Dr. Chapman’s coins 
the second letter 4 is inflected with the vowel ¢@, which therefore 
makes the second syllable of the name a long one, Abdgasa. 

On the two coins which have the horseman turned to the right, the 
Monograms of the reverse differ from those shown in the plate. To 
the left of the figure is a square monogram similar to that which is 

seen on the coin of Undopherras, No. 8; and to the right is a character 
5 U 

884 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105. 

like a badly formed M, surmounted by a large dot, under which, on 
Captain Hay’s coin, is the letter f, a; and on Dr. Chapman’s coin a 
different Bactrian character inflected, but which is too indistinct to be 
readily deciphered. 

The name of Abalgases has an evident affinity to the Parthian — 
BOAOTAISH® or BOAATASHS, the Vologases, and Balases 
of Roman history, of which the original Parthian name was most pro- 
bably Balagasa or Bdlgasa; for the Pehlevi inscription on a Sassanian 
gem was read by Ouseley as “ Balgezi Yezdani,” Vologases, the divine ; 
the Balash or Balatsha of Persian historians. I have therefore little 
hesitation in recording my belief that Abalgases, Bologaises, and Bal- 
gezi are but different spellings of one original name—Balgasa or 

This naturally leads me to the consideration of whether this prince 
was one of the Parthian kings of that name, or another independent 
prince of the same age and nation; which latter appears to be much 
the more probable. In my remarks upon the coins of Azas, I have 4 
already shown that there was an independent dynasty of princes reign- _ 
ing near Kabul, cotemporary with Mayas, and his successors in the ~ 
Punjab; and this position, which I deduced from an examination of q 
the coins, seems to be pretty clearly established by the following extract 
from Professor Lassen’s article on the Bactrian language ; who, quot- s 

ing Ptolemy, says, ‘‘ the western half (of Kabulistan) belonged to that - 

nation, whose separate tribes are comprehended under the general _ 
name of the Paropamisades; the eastern is numbered with the Indians; — 
but the plain at the lower part of the river is now under the power of — 
the Indo-Scythians.” : By now, Ptolemy must of course refer to his 4 
own times; but this passage sufficiently proves that the part of the us 
country spoken of had originally belonged to the Indians; most pro- a 

bably under Mayas, Azas, and Azilisas. Now the fair execution of the "| 

coins of these princes proves them to have flourished soon after Menan- jet 
der, or about the same time as Hermeus at Beghram near Kabul, © 
that is B. c. 100. Vonones would appear also to have been cotemporary 

with Azas, from the style and type of his coins, which are similar to vi 

those of Azas, who flourished probably in B. c. 80. Again on two of 
Dr. Chapman’s coins, which will soon be published, we have on the 
Grecian side a name which I read as Spalyrisas, while the reverse has 

1840. | Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 885 

the name of Azas in Bactrian Pali; thus establishing beyond a doubt 
that these two princes were cotemporaries, and rendering it highly 
probable that Azas was the son or brother of Spalyrisas, and an asso- 
ciate in the kingdom, or that he was tributary to that prince. Now 
the coins of Spalirisas have an intimate connexion by their type with 
the coins of Vonones, which have on the reverse the name of Spal- 
haras, bearing an evident family resemblance to the name of Spalyrisas ; 
and thus affording an additional evidence that Vonones must have 
been nearly cotemporary with Azas, about 80 B. c., and consequently 
much anterior to the Parthian Vonones Ist, who reigned in a. D. 
4— 14. | 

The coins of these Indo-Parthian kings are highly interesting, as 
they seem to hold out a hope that we may bring the Arsacidan chrono- 
logy to our aid; but as in the case of Vonones, so also in that of 
Abalgasus, there appear good reasons for believing that our Indo- 
Parthian prince was much earlier than the Parthian king Balgasa or 
Vologases. The general appearance in type, make, and style of characters 
observable in the coins of Abalgasas and of his father Undopherras, 
connect these princes too closely with the Indo-Parthian Vonones and 
his successors Spalyrisas and Spalurmas, to permit the identification, 
however much we might wish for it. For the Parthian king Volo- 
gases Ist did not begin to reign until a. p. 50, which is nearly 100 
years later than the period of our Abalgasas, supposing his father 
Undopherras to have succeeded to the family of Vonones and his 
successors. Again, the Chinese historians affirm, that in 26 B. c. the 
Indo-Scythians conquered the whole of Northern India, of which they 
retained possession until 222 a. v.; and Ptolemy, in describing 
the extent of the Indo-Scythian empire, says, to use the words of 
Professor Lassen, that ‘its main part is situated along both banks 
of the Indus.” Now this is the very country in which the coins of 
our Vonones and Abalgasus are found; and hence we may almost 
confidently say, that they must both have flourished before the final con- 
quest of the Indo-Scythians in B. c. 26, and consequently cannot be 
identified with the Parthian princes of the same names, whose reigns 
fall within the most brilliant period of the Indo-Scythian rule. Indeed 
if I have read the Bactrian Pali legend of the coins of Abalgasus 
rightly, we have the plainest proof that #e cannot be identified with 

886 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105. 

any Parthian prince, unless we suppose his father Undopherras to have 
been also a king of Parthia ; a supposition which would only involve us 
in still greater difficulties, 

There is a curious passage in Tacitus (Ann, lib. x1. c. 10.) which, 
if true, would almost show that the Parthian arms had not penetrated 
into the country of the Paropamisades before a. p. 44. In speaking 
of the successes of Bardanes, who had pushed his conquests beyond the 
river Sinde, which divided the territories of the Daheze and the 
Arians, he adds, ‘“‘igitur extructis monumentis, quibus opes suas 
testabatur, nec cuiquam ante Arsacidarum tributa illis. de gentibus 
parta, regreditur.” Professor Heeron, however, says, that Mithridates | 
1st extended the frontiers of the Parthian empire as far eastward as 
the Hydaspes. Tacitus indeed does not say that no former Parthian | 
king had pushed his arms so far; but when he says that none of the 
Arsacides before Bardanes had taken tribute from those nations, we 
may suppose that none had before penetrated so far to the eastward ; | 
for in all wars, and more especially in those of the east, conquest is” 
followed by exactions, which are usually called by the victors by the 
milder name of tribute. The authority of Tacitus is also much 

strengthened by the silence of Justin, who in mentioning the conquests 
of Mithridates Ist, over the Medians, Hyrcanians, and Elymzeans, merely 
adds ‘“ imperiumque Parthorum a monte Caucaso, multis populis in~ 
ditionem redactis, usque ad flumen Euphratem protulit.” E 

From these passages therefore it would seem to be almost impossible 
to identify our Indo-Parthian king with the Ist Vonones, who was 
one of the predecessors of Bardanes. Professor Lassen, however, sup- 
poses him to be the same as the 2nd Vonones, who reigned for a few 
months only in a. p. 50: but I have already shown that our Vonones” 
must have been nearly cotemporary with Azas, about 80 B. c; as their 
coins are similar in type, make, and genarel appearance. In addition 
to which we have the united testimony of the Chinese historians, and — 
of Ptolemy the geographer, in favour of our Vonones having been an 

Scythians themselves. 


ch eee as ae a 
Saline Ex ; 


Ty Oakey el ee eee oe 
fee ea 
id ’ cs : ; yt vr. 

nap ti 
+ ; 


No ot la, mat 

sy ‘ 
ic aecwan 
eA ye 


————— a 
A. Cummingharr, ae. 

Bactrvaw Cours. 

Plate I. | 

1840. | Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 887 

When I wrote my notes upon Captain Hay’s Bactrian coins, I 
had not given any attention to the study of the Bactrian Pali charac- 
ters; my readings of the native legends of those coins were therefore 
made according to the values assigned to the different letters by 
my late lamented friend James Prinsep, all the observable differences 
in my readings having been errors of the press. Had James Prinsep 
lived, he would long before this have perfected what he had so success- 
fully begun. Since then, however, I have examined not only all the 
coins within my reach, but also all the engravings published in the 
Journal des Savants, in the Numismatic Journal, and in the Journal of 
the Asiatic Society of Bengal : and after a careful examination of them 
all, I have been led to some discoveries which appear to me to be of 
sufficient consequence to warrant their publication. 

The name of Undopherras on his own coins is invariably represent- 
ed in Bactrian Pali by PS?s%; which Mr. Prinsep rendered by 
Farahatisa; he however doubted the correctness of his own reading, 
which was based upon an assumed and false value of the initial letter. 
On the coins of Abalgasus the name of Undopherras is written with 
a slight variation thus, 7~U%; the turn at the foot of the initial letter 
being to the left instead of to the right, and the fourth letter being 
the common 7 instead of the cerebral 7. Now there are four syllables 
in the Greek name, and in its Bactrian Pali equivalent there are an 
equal number of letters, forming with inherent or written vowels the same 
number of syllables, and consequently agreeing exactly with the Greek 
name, thus giving us the best possible clue to the value of each of 
these Bactrian Pali characters, which I will now examine separately. 

Ist. The first letter is found also as the initial of the name of 
Agathoclea, in which name it represents the Greek @ short. Prof. 
Lassen has strangely supposed the initial letter to be m inflected 
with the vowel e, making the first syllable me! In the name of 
Undopherras this letter stands for a short w. It is found also in 
the middle of the names of Spalurmas, and of Abalgasas, in the former 
representing w short, and in the latter @ short: for I believe that 
Abalgasus might with equal correctness have been written Abalgysus, 
as Megabyzus is always written. 

From these four examples of the use of this letter, there results the 
certainty that it represented the short vowels a@ and uw of the Greek, 

888 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105. 

both of which have the sound of the short a “=f of Sanskrit, which has 
the exact pronunciation of the first syllable of the name of Undo- 
pherras. Here I may notice that Undopherras, Spalurmas, and Abal- 
gasas are not Greek names, and therefore we ought not to look for 
the Bactrian Pali equivalents of the Greek letters used in expressing 
their names; but we should reverse the process, and seek for the 
Grecian equivalents of the native characters: for the Greek names 
vary on many of the coins of these later princes, while the native 
names are always the same; and this is more especially the case with 
the coins of Spalurmas, which exhibit the different Greek versions of 
Spalurion, Spalumon, and’ Palurman ; the last being found on an un- 
published_coin belonging to Captain Hutton, which wants only the 
initial S’ to make the name perfect. The same letter which is found 
initial in Agathoclea and in Undopherras, is here found medial; and 
by my discovery of its true value, I am able to correct the various cor- 
rupted Greek versions by the native name, which remains always the 
same. The characters are five, U 1% 4%; of which the first is an evi- 
dent compound of ™ and Por sp; the second letter is 7; the fourth 7 ; 
and the last m; wherefore the third letter can only be wu, used as the 
initial of the latter half of the name, and thus the whole name becomes 
clearly Spal-urma, or with the Grecian termination Spalurmas, of which 
the genitive would be Spalurmon ; and this last we may easily disco- 
ver with but slight alterations in the different Greek versions. 

The turn at the foot of the initial letter in the name of Undopherras, 
I suppose to represent », making the initial syllable YN, for one foot _ 
turn to the left is exactly the same as that which is found at the foot 
of the initial letter in the names of Antimachus and Antialcidas, where 
it unquestionably represents 7. 

2nd. The second and fourth letters of the name of Undopherras are 
the same, one of them being merely inflected. To this letter Mr. 
Prinsep assigned the value of 7, which is correct : but I am prepared 
to show that it has also another value, and that it represents the cere- 
bral Sd of the Sanskrit, which is commonly pronounced ‘7 As 
an equivalent of d it is found on al/ the large round copper coins of 
Apollodotus ; and also in the name of Diomedes, where it is initial and 
inflected with the vowel 7, thus f Di, rendering the name of Diome- 
des very satisfactorily as Diyamédasa P1wASs ; hence we learn that 

1840. | Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. : 889 

the second syllable of the name of Undopherras is do, the sloping 
stroke to the left downwards being the vowel o, with which the d is 
inflected ; and precisely the same mark which is found to represent o 
in the name of Zdilus. 

To the second letter therefore in the name of Undopherras, I have 
assigned the value of d, but as this letter occurs again as the repre- 
sentative of the Greek double PP, it must have another value, and be 
equivalent to an aspirated or double 7 ; and this indeed is the precise 
sound which the Sanskrit cerebral @ d frequently has, as ¢ 7. Here 
then we find that by giving to this letter s, the value of the cerebral © 
d of the Sanskrit, it completely fulfils all the conditions in which it is 
found upon the coins ; thus most satisfactorily establishing the correct- 
ness of the value which I have assigned to it, and at the same time 
leading to the discovery that the third letter of the Bactrian Pali name 
of Undopherras can be no other than pA, thus rendering the whole 

four characters literally Andophara. 

(To be continued. ) 

Notes of a March from Brimhan Ghat on the Nerbudda, to Umurkuntuk, the 
Source of that River. By G. Spruspury, Esa. 

In the Asiatic Journal, for August 1834, appear some notes of mine from 
Tendookherie, across the valley of the Nerbudda south to the table land 
of the Puchmuree, or Mahadeo hills. In the following paper I propose to 
give the result of my observations from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk, the 
holy source of the Nerbudda river. The notes will comprise three dif- 
ferent routes, and I have some hope that by the aid of the accompanying 
map, and the specimens forwarded for presentation to the Museum, that I 
shall have added a mite to the Geographical and Geological knowledge 
of this as yet little travelled portion of Central India, 

In the construction of the map, for which I am indebted to the able 
pencil of Captain Reynolds, Madras Army, I have to remark that its correct- 
ness depends on the places written in Capitals, which are laid down from 
the map of these territories, furnished from the Surveyor General’s office, 
on a scale of eight miles to an inch. The notes commence at Brimhan 
Ghat near Chawurputhur; on leaving which we struck off in a S.S.W. 
direction, crossing the valley of the Nerbudda, which yields but little 
variety to the geologist, being a fine rich black soil of decomposed trap, 
intermixed at the banks of most of the Nullas with calcareous tuffa. 

890 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. (No. 105. 

At Beerkherie, the Shair river is crossed, its bed compact basalt, and the 
road lies through rich black soil up to Burheyta, where it changes to sand- 
stone. This now insignificant village has been the site of a large city, and 
extensive vestiges of a fort, palace, temples, buolies, tanks, and gardens, 
are yet to be traced. The temples are generally Boudhist, or belonging to 
that zra, and five large images of compact basalt, three of which are stand- 
ing, and two in a sitting posture, have been ignorantly assigned by the na- 
tives of this place to the five Pandoo brothers—Dhurum, Bheem, Urjoon, 
Sahdes, and Nukool. 

Low sandstone hills, varying from a few feet to a couple of hundred, co- 
vered with thin jungle, is the characteristic of the country, with vallies of 
more or less extent of decomposed trap ; about three miles east, near Nan- 
deea, is a hill of quartzose pebbles ; about 100 feet up is a deposit of steatite 
No. 1, called by the natives Gora Pan, and largely exported; in contact with 
it lie the specimens Nos. 2 and 3. 

At Sreenuggur, the Omar nuddee, the bed of which is composed of the 
schist No. 4 and 5, and from a hill adjacent the limestone No. 6 is procur- 
ed. The next five miles is a similar siliceous formation as that from Bur- 
heyta to Sreenuggur, when you come to trap boulders, making the road 
more or less stony and unpleasant. About three miles short of Dhooma, the 
road winds up a steep ghatee of compact basalt, at the top of which is an 
undulated table land of considerable extent. From this to Jhiria, where 
this table land is again descended, the country is of the uniform character 
found in trap formation; at Kuhanee, jasper and quartz No. 7, amygda- 
loid No. 8, and travertin No. 9. The beds of the Nullas are compact basalt; 
the only exception seen was at Pindraee, where the Thanwur Nulla (a fee- 
der of the Wyn Gunga and Godavery,) is crossed, at which the limestone 
No. 10, crops out on its left bank. 

At the bottom of the Jhiria Ghattee, the descent of which is neither 
so long or so steep as that ascending to Dhooma, boulders of indurated 
red clay, No. 11, are met with. The remainder up to Mundlah is a well 
cultivated plain. The ford of the Nerbudda is compact basalt, No. 14, 
-and this specimen is a type of the formation wherever found in these 

Mundlah has been a place of note, but since General Marshall dis- 
mantled the Fort in 1818, the town has gone to decay, and is now 
but an insignificant village. The river being full here from bank to 
bank, 326 yards, and totally unfordable from hence to Ramnuggur, (a 
distance of twelve miles) has a very picturesque appearance, aided much 
by the ghats and temples along its right bank, and the mouldering 
battlements and bastions of the fort. From this we proceeded along 

1840. | March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. 391 

the right bank, all trap formation, road stony from boulders; about 
six miles crossed the Putwara nulla, where veins of wacke with feldspar 
No. 12 and feldspar No. 13 occur; after this the road is undulated, a 
series of ascents and descents through rather a dense tree jungle until 
you again approach and recross the river, the bed of which is trap, in- 
tersected in some places with veins of calcareous spar wacke No. 15, 16. 

Ramnuggur in the days of the Gound Rajas, was a place of note. 
There is still an old palace of four stories, built by Hirdee Sah some 
200 years ago, and half a mile off one by his Dewan, little of which re- 
mains beyond the walls, but of the palace, situated on the bank of the 
river, and looking up a long reach of it, little decay has taken place beyond 
what is to be expected from neglect and desertion. 

The general feature is a square with an inner court, in the centre of 
which was a Tanka* (from whence I presume we got our tank) and 
garden. The whole of the rooms, especially of the lower floor, are occu- 
pied by the villagers, and a considerable number of families have found 
habitations therein. The village is now insignificant, and there are but 
very few remains of its former state, when kings held their court. In 
the village, and at the eastern side of the court of an old temple of 
Mahadeo is the stone on which, in Sanscrit characters, is graven the 
list of the sovereigns from Jadoo Rae, Sumbut 415, as detailed by Major 
Sleeman in the Asiatic Journal for August 1837. On leaving Ramnuggur 
we had to make a detour to the south, in order to get again into the . 
direct road from Mundlah. The road is bad and stony; we passed up a 
defile, and crossed over a hill called Doondooh of trap formation. The ascent 
Was easy, but the descent steep and stony, on which you emerge into an 
open and extensive plain; at the bottom of the Ghatee cross a small 
nulla, in which is found granite No. 17; a mile or two further is the Datta 
nulla, near the village of Lutooa. From this the specimens of limestone 
No. 18, 19, were procured, and from this locality lime for the buildings at 
Ramnuggur was made; about 6, cross the Mutyaree river, rather a large 
stream, which some way down joins the Banjur, which flows into the 
Nerbudda immediately opposite the Fort at Mundlah. 

The ford of this nulla is composed of granite No. 20 and 21, but about two or 
three hundred yards further up the river a ridge of compact basalt crosses 
it, after this the soil changes to a sandy one, the general rock being No. 
21, also intermixed with gneiss? No. 22, 23, and 24, syenite. At this 
place, Unjoneea (and where we regained the direct road from Mundlah) 

* I first heard this word used by a native in Betool district ; on asking him if at the top of Bower- 
gurh there was any spring, he said no, but there was a Tanka or place made of pukka, stones and 

cement, for holding water, 

892 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. [No. 105. 

was shot by Captain Tebbs, 33rd Regiment of Native Infantry, a pair 
of the horn-bills (first seen in the dense jungle on the banks of the river 
near Ramnuggur,) and designated in Cuvier’s Animal Kingdom, as Buceros 
Malabaricus; the bird was also seen at Umerkuntuk, but I am not aware 
of its being met with in any other part of these territories. 

Our next march was near Bichia to the Khoolar nulla, fourteen miles, 
the first two miles being the same primitive formation, granite and mas- 
sive quartz, when we ascended a small ghatee of trap boulders, passing 
over a plain, little jungle, and scarcely any cultivation; about 9 a gradual 
descent to the Mutyaree nulla, the bed compact basalt; leaving a village, 
Oomurwaree, to the right; more cultivation about. From here to the 
Khoolar nulla small trap hills are crossed of the same formation. 

The next was Motee nulla, 16 miles; up to the Dutla nulla the forma- 
tion was the same basaltic one, but in the bed of this nulla granite same as 
No. 21, at Unjoonea. The soil now changes to a siliceous one, with large 
masses of white quartz jutting out on a bleak open plain, singularly devoid 
of the traces of man in the shape of cultivation or habitation. About eight 
miles a fine pebbly stream with well wooded banks is passed. The Hul- 
lown, (which joins the Boornerh near the village of Ghooghree, on the di- 
rect road from Mundlah to Ramgurh,) about five miles more, over grass 
plains approach the gorge of hills, and the jungle becomes more dense ; as- 
cend a small ghatee, the Jogeegoopha, the hills on each side rising above, 
the formation is limestone No. 25 capped with trap. On descending to- 
wards the Motee nulla, it again becomes massive quartz. In this nulla we 
first observed the laterite No. 26, 27, 28, 29 (so extensive a component of 
the Mikul hills) iron ore No. 29, chert No. 30, indurated iron clay No. 31, 
sandstone No. 32, indurated clay and calcedony No. 33. 

In this and the preceding march, the sal tree, in large clumps, gives the 
country a very peculiar appearance, and trees of any other kind are not 

Rajadhar 14 miles, road good, undulated country, grass plains with cum 
of the sal, formation laterite, with conical hills of trap up to Munglee, 
about which are some small Goandee villages, and cultivation. Soon after 
this the road lies between hills thickly wooded, and high grass; pass 
through a defile, the Sukra ghatee, in which is limestone No. 34, intersected 
by veins nearly vertical, No. 35, 36, 37, 38, 39. On emerging from this, 
there is a considerable open space up to Rajadhar on the Phene nulla, 
which is situated at the edge of a very dense jungle and hills. The bed of 
this nulla is chiefly large boulders of laterite, and a greenstone No. 40. 

Boorla, about 15 miles by the footpath, and about 19 by the road 
which the cattle and baggage went. 

1840. | March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. 893 

On leaving Rajadhar the road lies between hills of laterite, close dense 
jungle, over a trap hill to Bunder Motee, spring and ghat, where limestone 
No. 41, and at the bottom of the descent steatite No. 42, and that with 
argillaceous veins No. 43; from this the descent is rough and stony, and 
just before reaching the stream Brinjuree, or Murrum Joree, the syenite 
No. 44, and in the bed of it granite No. 45, 46; intermixed are boulders of 
No. 40. On arriving at the nulla, bamboos are again observed, and the sal 
disappears. From this the road winds up a hill not very steep or long, 
pass along a flat, when a long steep stony descent commences, the chief 
rock being No. 45, 46; at the bottom emerge into a small level plain, the 
hills approaching on both sides ; about two miles on the Puraha nulla is cross- 
ed, and again a mile or so on, when the road is more open, and the jungle 
by no means dense; in front are a range of small conical shaped hills of no 
great height, the ridge of one of which is passed, the first ascent of which is 
sandstone No. 47, next in strata running nearly north and south of clay- 
slate No. 48, and further on No. 49 of the same formation ; after this the 
: hills are entirely cleared, and the country is a very extensive open plain 
bounded to the north by the low conical bills which we-have passed over, 
| nearly bare or only stunted jungle, and behind, towering above, the line 
of the Mekul range. On leaving Rajadhur all the springs and nullas are 
feeders of the Mahanuddee. At Boorla is a small circular hill, evideatly 
a similar formation to the hills last passed over, specimen No. 50. 

Pando Tulao, eight miles, a march in the plain; the villages are more 
_ numerous and cultivation is extensive, much of it rice; a spur ofthe hills 
| comes down close on this place, the formation of which is limestone No. 51, 
and in a small rivulet close to our camp, rocks were projecting at an angle 
_of 45°, running east and west, and the strata so disposed, as to have 
-much the appearance, at a short distance, of the scales on the back of the 
Manis; they were limestone No. 52. 

Purureea nearly seven miles; the same plain. In this march a fine 
| stream, the Hamph nulla, the bed of which is a reddish limestone No. 53. 
| Purureea itself is a large village for this part of the country, the houses 
with one single exception (that of the Zemindar’s, who was building a brick 
edifice) are all built of split bamboos, plastered for the walls, and grass 
| chuppers.* 
| Umuldeha, nine miles; the same open cultivated country. About three 
b iitles on, cross a small nulla from the hills, skirting our left, the bed of 

which is limestone No. 54, 55, as also a small circular eminence No. 56; 


* The cheapness of food here. was as unexpected as agreeable to our people. 
Incamp 15 Ata 38 in the village. 
Seers per Rupee. { Ditto, 12 Gram 52 ditto. 
Ditto, 14 Rice 50 ditto. 

894 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. [No. 105. : 

at the next stream, close to the village of Kurpee, the same limestone forms 
the bed as at the Kamp nulla No. 53. | 

Khoorea, nineand three quarter miles. On leaving camp the Agur nulla, the — 
bed of which is rolled pebbles and sand, is crossed, and the first two milesis — 
over the plain we have had since Boorla, after which we entered jungle — 
gradually increasing until it becomes a dense tree (among them the sal 
again) and grass forest, all the way to the Munyuree nulla, the bed of 
which is granite (with rolled pebbles and sand) as per specimens No 57, — 
58, 59, 60, 61; a little to the left of the ford is the steatite No. 62, strata © 
running nearly east and west, diagonally crossing the bed of the stream, — 
also parallel the quartz No 63, 64, in thin laminz. At this place was shot — 
by Lt. Clement Browne a beautiful squirrel, which Colonel. Sykes named — 
Sciurus Elphinstonii (As. Jour. vol. i. p. 165); they are also found in the ~ 
Mahadeo hills. q 

Kutamee, nine and three quarter miles. This march skirts the Munyarie — 
nulla, and is thick tree and grass jungle, but good road, and slightly ascen- 
ding the whole way; the formation is granite and massive quartz, with — 
exception of the bed of a small nulla which was basalt. At the village ‘ 
the bed of the Munyarie had ledges of compact basalt running across, and : 
close to that gneiss No. 65, and higher up hornblende with feldspar No. 66; i 
beyond and below, granite No. 67 and 68. F 

Lumnee, nine and a quarter miles. This is a bad and difficult march for. * 
cattle and baggage, the road being very stony. We crossed the Munyarie a 
immediately on leaving camp, and two miles on a bad stony descent to ale 
small stream, and the ascent not much better; pass through a dense forest, — 
the diameter of many of the sal trees was very great. On reaching a — 
stream about three miles from our camp the road begins to wind up a very . 
long, and in places steep ghatee. The jungle exceedingly thick, from the i 
summit of which is an extensive view over the plains we have feft. The 
formation is primitive rock, at the top mica schist No. 69, and gneiss No. 
70, 71. On attaining the summit, bamboos were very luxuriant and dense 
for a mile or so, a feature in the scenery not observed in the forest below. 
The road now winds along the crests of hills which brings ‘you to a des- 
cent of about half a mile (neither so steep or stony as the ascent) into the 
plain of Lumnee; a few huts constitute the village. 4 

Umurkuntuk, the source of the Nerbudda, eleven miles. The bed of the eS 
nulla is trap No 72, and about a mile further a nulla cuts through a hill a 
of micaceous schist No. 73, and bed of the nulla No. 74. The road now is" ne 
a series of ascents and descents covered with jungle; formation granite 
No. 75, mixed with sienite No. 76, 77, 78, 79. At the Bhereeghur nulla, — 
compact feldspar No. 80, and granite No. 81, compose its bed. 

1840. | March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuniuk. 895 

The remainder to Putpura nulla, seven miles, primary rocks, the jungle 
very thick and dense; the bed of this nulla is composed of rolled laterite and 
‘trap boulders, lying on granite and quartz, where the rock shows itself ; 
half a mile on the Sampghur nulla is crossed twice, a fine stream, and water 
most excellent. From it the specimen No. 82 quartz, mica, and feldspar. 

On crossing this stream the second time, the ascent of the Jogee ghatee 
commences ; formation trap boulders. The ascent is about a mile, in places 
steep, but very good for all laden cattle, baring its steepness, there being no 
rocky steps or ledges in it; the whole very dense tree, bamboo, and grass 
jungle. To the left, and on the banks of the nulla, tokens of a former site 
of a village, evinced by the plantain and mango trees; with exception of 
No. 83 marl, and No. 84 lateritish clay, the whole of the upper part of 
the hill is laterite, as specimens No. 85, 86, and the very summit No. 87. 
On arriving at the top a fine open plain, with a few trees scattered about, 
give a very park-like appearance to the scenery. 

T shall now return, and trace the direct road to this holy spot from Ram- 

Ramnuggur to Ghooghree thirteen miles ; for the first two miles the open 
cultivated plain of the Nerbudda, when you approach hills and enter a 
defile with a gradual ascent : about two miles further, you come to a pukka 
boulee of the same style as the buildings at Ramnuggur. The road gradu- 
ally closes into a few feet, and becomes steeper, the hills on each side ris- 
ing up 100 feet above the road. The whole ghatee called Bidee is stony and 
bad, with dense bamboo grass and tree jungle infested by tigers. The for- 
mation is trap. On attaining the crest at six miles, the road opens out again, 
and the hills recede right and left; the soil is siliceous with quartz (massive 
and crystallized) and calcedony strewed about. From hence to Ghoogh- 
ree the country is rather open, jungle thin, small hills about, with valleys 
and streams, and here and there a Gound village, with patches of cultiva- 
tion ; road very good from the crest. The village is rather large for this 
part of the country, and on the banks of a very fine brawling stream 200 
yards wide, the Boorhner. : 

Sulwah, nine miles. A mile and half on, cross the Boorhner a short dis- 
tance below its junction with the Hullown, these united streams are very 
considerable feeders of the Nerbudda. The bed is rocky (basalt); on leaving 
it there is a steep stony ascent of about half a mile, anda mile and a half fur- 
ther another of about 100 yards, whichis a spur of the Patungurh hill, the 
peak of which towers some seven or eight hundred feet above; on its sum- 
mit there is said to bea spring of water, and many fine trees could be seen. 
The crest has some appearance of a fort, and the natives declare it to have 
been made by the Deotas; on passing this hill there is rather an extensive 

896 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. (No. 105. 

plain to the south, with a few villages and some cultivation; the last two 
miles the hills gradually close in, and a defile with a gentle ascent is passed 
through, to the Tola of Sulwah, the village itself being off to the south-east 
about a mile. 

Ramgurh, thirteen miles. The first five and a half miles is chiefly over a 
bare open undulated plain, crossed by a great number of little rivulets with 
a slight ghatee to descend; the road is then through a defile, along which 
flows the Kookrar and Bhurkindee nullas with lofty hills on each side, covered 
with dense jungle grass, bamboos, and trees, a distance of about three miles, 
when the Tendoo Ghatee, some 400 yards, is ascended; pass along table 
land, a mile or so when the hills recede, and an extensive valley running 
about north and south, not very broad, presents itself, through which rather 
a large stream, the Khurmer, flows; and at the east side and left bank ona 
small hill, is Ramgurh, the capital of a rajah, now lord of some 1400 villages; 
with exception of a pukka house, his residence, the village is entirely 
bamboo wattling and thatch. 

Sumnapoor, nine miles. A good road up the valley of the Khurmer ; 
several villages, and much more cultivation of rubbee than we have seen 
since leaving the valley of the Nerbudda. 

Burbuspoor, six and a half miles. The road is the same as the preceding 
for the first two and a half miles, when we enter the hills on our left, and 
ascend a trifling ghatee called the Ghooghurwahee ghatee of about 400 yards, 
by no means steep, on attaining the crest of which, the aspect and appear- 
ance of the country is totally changed, partly from the predominance of the 
sal tree, and partly from the greenness of the grass; pass through a defile 
200 yards wide, when the hills recede, and there is an open extensive plain 
with the Muchrar flowing through the village on its right bank. 

Chukrar nulla, ten miles. Road lies across the valley of the Muchrar, 
through cultivation, about two miles, when the hills close in, and the Lud- 
wanee ghatee is ascended, not long or steep, but stony; the descent is consi- 
derably steeper, but by no means bad for any cattle. On reaching the foot, 
skirt the hills on the right, plain level road, there being a large grass plain 
to the north; the last two miles bad and stony trap boulders. 

Seeoonee nulla, ten and a half miles. On leaving the nullasmall trap hills — 
are skirted for the first three miles, when you enter a thick jungle and ascend 
the Mohtura ghatee, of easy ascent, the descent being steeper, but by no 
means difficult; the road then opens out into an extensive grass plain; it 
is to these grass plains that the thousands of cattle resort from the coun- 
try below the ghats during the hot months; remainder open, constantly 
intersected with little streams, and no where did the water appear to be 
above a couple of feet below the surface. | 

1840. ] March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. 897 

Kurunjeea, eleven miles. The first part skirts and passes over some low trap 
hills up to the village Bukree, when the country opens out into a very large 
grass plain ; the Nerbudda north, distant three or four miles ; cross a stream, 
the Toorar, and up to the shoulder of a lofty hill with a conspicuous peak 
overlooking the village of Ramnuggur ; remainder open ; Umurkuntuk nine 
and half miles. The road lies through a small valley, in which flows the Kur- 
mundal with lofty hills on each side, gradually closing in to the entrance of 
the pass, which becomes a dense jungle ; the ascent is about a mile, and pretty 
steep, but not very bad for cattle; pass along a ridge where there is a small 
grass valley in which is a pool of water, called Hathee Dabur, and on des- 
cending a ridge, a spring issues from the head of a ravine, said to be the 
source of the Kurmundal nulla. There is a Chabootra, and many plantain 
trees at the spot, known by the name of Kurbeer Chabootra; after this two 
ridges are crossed, when you attain the table land, and about half a mile 
before reaching the Koond join in with the road from the Jogee ghatee, by 
which we ascended in the former march. 

I have said but little on the geological formation of this route, for the 
reason that it is so simple, and affords so little variety; the first ghatee, 
which is the same range as the Doondoo ghatee, is unvaried basalt, and 
so continues the whole way the same formation, the hills and peaks 
from Patungurh being capped with laterite, and all the beds of nullas 
basalt; little laterite is seen in the plains until the Tendoo ghatee is 
ascended, when the soil is more or less of a reddish colour, and after 
ascending Ghooghurwahee ghatee the soil is entirely so; about Sulwah 
and Patun fossil shells, same as those from eighteen miles east of Jabul- 
poor, imbedded in indurated clay, are met with, and on the east side of the 
Mohtura ghatee is a small conical hill, containing similar shell breccia. 
In the latter are found the shell delineated in the Asiatic Journal for 
September 1839, plate. — fig. A. 11. originally found on the Pureyl ghat, 
which is on the first plateau on the Mekul hills overlooking the plains 
of Soohagpoor; a few bivalves also have been met with in this locality. 
Travertin was found near the summit of the Mohtura ghatee, and a red- 
dish sandstone formed the bed of the Seeoonee nulla, a mile or so before 
its junction with the Nerbudda. With these exceptions laterite resting 
on basalt is the characteristic of the country. 

The table land of Umurkuntuk constitutes the second plateau of the Me- 
kul hills, and is but of small extent, six miles either way would bring you 
to a precipitous descent. 

East from the Koond, less than a mile, is a bluff rock of basalt, over 
which a very small stream trickles with a fall of 252 perpendicular feet, and 

898 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. [No. 105. 

which the Bramins assure you is the Son Bhuder, whereas the latter rises 
from a swamp near Pindraee, and the former joins the Arup, one of the feed- 
ers of the Mahanuddee. West from the Koond, four and a half miles, is the 
first fal of the Nerbudda, 90 feet, over compact basalt No. 90, and called 
Kupildhar, after the celebrated Moonee of that name; ffom the summit of 
the hill at Jogee ghat south to the crest of the descent at the Punkhee 
ghat north will be under six miles, and from the Kookre Moorghee ghat 
(or Ramgurh) to the Amanara ghat, is less, and thesé points give the 
extent of the table land at Umurkuntuk. 

The spring at and about which the temples are built, is by no means the 
highest spot of the plateau, but I conjecture that where the Koond (which ~ 
is a pukka irregular square basin, with steps leading down on every side) 
is, it was found that a spring ran all the year round, whereas from the 
upper points they generally dried up, as they nearly were when we visited 
the spot. The Brahmins have also added legends to these sources; that 
from the east is termed the Sonbhudr, and that from the north the Johilla, 
and you are gravely assured by these priests that the streams are running 
up the hill, to protect themselves from the fury of Nermada Mae. At the 
place are some 60 temples of sizes; that in which the image of Johilla the 
Nain (said to be iron, of which I have strong doubts) is a picturesque one, — 
and so is another adjoining, of a totally different style to the generality, 
but in miniature like those built at Oodeypore and Putharee in Scindea’s 
country ; the whole of them are built of laterite with which the table land 
is capped. Of its height above the level of the sea, Mr. Jenkins the Resi- 
dent of Nagpore in his report of that country states it at 3464 feet; but 
Lieut. Waugh and Rennie, who visited it in 1833 en route from Chunar to 
Jubulpore, I understand make it near 5000. There is a peculiarity of this 
elevation, which I may notice here; viz. that we were assured by the resi- 
dents of the place that it rains throughout the year every third or fourth day. 
I have only to say that in two visits made to it, that such was undoubtedly 
‘the case as far as our observation went; now allowing its height to be that 
stated by the engineer officers, on what principle is this humidity to be 
accounted for? The peaks of the Mahadeo hills, Chowradeo, Jutta Shunkur, 
Dobghur rising out of the plain of Puchmurree, have an equal altitude, 
and nothing of the kind occurs there. Has the geological formation any 
thing to say to this meteorological difference? The Mahadeo hills are 
sandstone with rolled quartz pebbles, Umurkuntuk entirely laterite rest- 
ing on basalt. <A register of a thermometer kept by a native in an open 
verandah ofa temple, from the 12th of April to the 24th June gave the follow- 
ing results; unfortunately no attempt was made to note the prevailing winds, 
clouds, or rain. 

1840.] ° March From Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. 899 

The Min of 18 days of April gave 58 and the Max 90—med. 74. 
Ditto all May » 62. ditto ditto 94—med. 78. 
Ditto 24 days June a ute Lot MeattOwke “ditto 95=“medsV'Ss- 
Near the temple in which is the goddess of this river, is a Beejuck, but so 
defaced and broken that little of it could be decyphered by the most zealous 
antiquary ; on the floor of an open temple is a small image, which the 
pundits assured me was that of Rewa Naick, a Bunjara, to whom 
the goddess appeared in a dream, and directed him to clear the site of the 
present Koond, then a dense mass of bamboo jungle; the date Sumbut 922* 
is very plain, and is within ten years of the period of the copper plate dug up at 
Koombhee, and forwarded by me (Asiatic Journal, for 1839). The animals 
met with on the Mekul hills are wild buffaloes, Gour, Sciurus Elphinstonii, 
Buceros Malabaricus, and on the table land of Umurkuntuk the solitary 
snipe, none of which are generally found in the valley of the Nerbudda 
east of Mundlah. I shall now proceed with the notes of the march into 
the Sohagpoor plains. 

Hurree Tola, nine and a quarter miles. The road from the Koond at Umur- 
kuntuk lies in a northerly direction, crossing a ridge of jungle and grass into 
a small valley, in which flows the Burat nulla, and at six miles is the crest of 
the ghat called the Punkhee ghat ; itis long, but no where steep or difficult, 
the whole formation laterite, resting on basalt. On reaching the bottom 
you are in an extensive grass plain, with peaks of the Mekul Hills rising 
in the distance ; the village a few huts, with the Johilla river flowing through 
the plain at the distance of a mile. The jungle on this side of the hills is 
not near so dense, or the trees so large, as on the Jogee ghat side ; the sal 
trees fewer and smaller. 

To Lukhora, thirteen miles. This distance is of one uniform feature, an ex- 
tensive undulated grass plain, intersected by streams and springs in every di- 
rection, with the Johilla flowing through it, into which all the others run. 
The soil laterite, and all the beds of the nullas compact basalt. 

Pureye, fourteen miles. The first 7 miles the country of the same nature as 
that on descending from the table land, if any thing rather more unduiated; 
about seven and a half miles cross the Johilla, a fine stream, the bed is basalt 
mixed with some limestone No. 91. At Bouraha village about 9, the grassy 
plain may be said to terminate, as the road now becomes a constant series 
of bad stony ascents and descents of trap boulders, dense tree and grass jungle; 
at thirteen and a halfthe Backan nulla is passed, its bed of compact basalt, and 
lying about boulders of indurated green clay No. 92, and shell breccia No. 
93, 94; about 50 or 60 yards to the right the nulla passed over a ledge of 

* T enclose a transcript made by Captain Wheatly and myself, the explanation given by a pundit 
afterwards by no means agreeing with the oral communication on the spot. 


900 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. [No. 105. 

some 40 or 50 feet, the sides of which had hexagonal basaltic columns ; 
from this nulla to camp the whole distance was strewed with the shell 
breccia in indurated clay No. 95, 96. The village small, and a dirty looking 
tank; it is situated immediately on the verge of the range. 

Kyrrha, seven miles. The ghat commences on passing the tank, and is a 
very bad, steep, stony descent for about a mile, all large trap boulders, 
mixed with some travertin No. 97, after which the real difficulty of the 
ghatee is passed; then follows an inclined plane all limestone No. 98, and 
a descent of the same formation, when the level plain is attained ; from the 
tank to this is about 3 miles, the road good, strewed with boulders of shell 
breccia No. 99; cross the Bysaha nulla, sandstone No. 100, and the bed of 
the next, the Bygun, was limestone No. 101 ; the village of Kyrrha is ona 
sandstone eminence No. 102, 103, 104, 105; with No. 104, chukies (stone 
hand-mills) are made here. 

Singpoor, six and a half miles. On leaving camp the Surpa nulla is crossed, 
the bed of which is a white very friable sandstone, the road good, some tri- 
fling nullas passed, all sandstone similar to that of the Surpa. In one or 
two places trap was seen overlying the sandstone; shortly before getting 
to our ground, the sandstone deepens much in colour, specimens No. 105, 
106 being reddish. At this village are seen some fine sculpture brought, 
we were told, from Urjollee, a kos or two distant; the temple from which 
they were procured must have been a magnificent one. There are the 
remains of an old palace here, the pillars of which came from that place. 

Sohagpoor, nine and a halfmiles. A good road the whole way, sandstone, no 
village seen, chiefly sal forest, but never very thick or the trees large, as 
you approach, more open; the fort a small ghurree, town small, but there 
are remains of former size and grandeur by the numerous tanks, remains 
of temples, buildings, &c. One old temple is finely sculptured in the style 
of the Oodeypoor one north of Bhilsa; adjoining is a square Koond sacred 
to Mahadeo, and at the distance of aquarter ofa mile an eminence on which 
lie very extensive ruins ofa temple; a large image of Boudh was almost the 
only distinguishable piece of sculpture left. The natives assigned the name 
of some Rakhshus to this giant, which I have forgotten. 

Putpura nulla, eleven miles; good road, but a very uninteresting coun- - 

try, few villages or signs of cultivation ; the soil is sandstone, beds of the 

Nullas as at Kyrrha No. 105; passed the shoulder of a hill trap, when the 

hills close in, the great Mekul range to the south, and alow range in front, 
and to the right water very near the surface. 

Palee, ten miles. On leaving camp enter rather thick jungle, ‘road hilly 
and stony, cross a ridge called Moorcha Pahar, sandstone No. 108, so 
named from having the appearance of an entrenchment, then hilly ground 

. ¥ TS, af yp. 4 “ 
1 DRT a ie a UE reeled 


1840. | March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. 901 

for four or five miles, when the road lies between two conical hills, Kimrae, 
No. 109, basalt, and so at the nulla of the same name No. 110, when 
the country is more open, trees chiefly sal, and some of good size. Ghoo- 
raree nulla sandstone No. 111, more compact than that at Khyrra Palee, 
all sandstone, and near a small tank adjoining the village there are ruins of 
a very large temple; the only image taken care of is that of Doorga slaying 
the giant Mahekhasoor, which is housed under a small hut, and from oil and 
attention is in fine preservation ; in a westerly direction, about one and a half 
miles, we came to the Johilla river again, which was crossed, before above 
the ghat, and in its bed were traces of coal as per specimens No. 112; 113 
is the sandstone forming the banks of the river. The bed, chiefly trap 
boulders, among which are those of syenite No. 115, large masses of a soft 
sandstone, with pyrites imbedded No. 116, sandstone and shale No. 117, and 
anthracite No. 118. On the top of the bank were boulders of shell 
breccia No. 119. Goohparoo 103 miles, road good all the way; about 
three and a half cross the Johilla river, a considerable stream, rather stony 
and bad ; cross the Goorchut nulla, a sandstone conglomerate No. 120, after 
which a dreary plain up to Goohparoo, a very conspicuous peak ; the circuit 
(W. N. W. two or three miles) to round which, and another two marches on, 
causes us to make so much northing of west. 

Oomureea, eight miles. The first part of this march is jungly and stony, 
leading over a small ridge, about the middle of which is the Putpuree 
nulla (limestone No. 121,) and the boundary of our and the Rewah state; 
some distance on large blocks of limestone rise up in very irregular shapes, 
which are called Baynsa Dadur, No. 122, from thence a slight descent into 
a plain with small conical hills of basalt as at Kerantal, No. 123; the beds 
of the nullas are sandstone, as at Khyrra. Rather a large stream, the 
Oomrar, divides the villages of Gomureea and Khulesur, all sandstone. In 
a small nulla about two miles off, called the Manhunha, which runs into 
the Oomrar, traces of coal are found, as per specimen No. 124, sandstone 
125. The bed of the nulla here is called Debee Koond, slate 126, from the 
circumstance of some forty years ago afire having sprung out and consumed 
a Semul tree, and which spot has continued at intervals of every four or 
five years to emit a flame; I have no doubt that some similar trick as that 
described by Captain Kittoe is played off by the Bramins on discovering 
that the stone would burn. 

Koureea, thirteen and a half miles. The road for the first four miles is hilly 
and stony, thin jungle, all sandstone, then an open cultivated plain up to 
some low hills of primitive formation, syenite No. 127, 128; cross the Nursaha 
nulla, the bed of which is granite No. 129, 130, winding through low hills 
round the shoulder of a small hill at the Sunreha nulla which and the bed 

902 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. [{No. 105. 

are sandstone No. 131; soon after cross the Muchrar nulla (?) No. 132, and 
pass between two conspicuous conical hills of trap to the Kirchola nulla, to 
the right or north of which is a Koond, where an annual fair is held; it 
derives its sanctity from the austerities practised by Purutkal, a son of 
Brahma. In days of yore the village is said to have been a very considerable 
one. Our ground was distant about a mile, on a sandstone eminence, 
with a large tank, the village a good sized one; this and the last march 
both in the Rewah territory. 

About two miles in a northerly direction crossing a ridge of— ? No. 
133; there is an extremely picturesque cascade of the Muchrar nulla over 
a sandstone rock, with veins on the upper part of indurated clay, as per 
specimens No. 134, 135, 136, 137. ; 

Khuntera, near the Mahanuddee river, eight miles. The course of this 
march lay considerably to the south of west; as at Koureea a very conspi- 
cuous peak called Bhangraj is rounded, road good, and chiefly through culti- 
‘vation; about six miles crossed the Mahanuddee a considerable river, its 
banks are sandstone No. 138, and its bed rolled boulders of trap. The 
soil was decomposed trap, and the small hills about the same. 

Dheemurkherie, thirteen miles. The road on passing Khuntera lies through 
jungle not very thick, and chiefly between two low ranges, the formation of 
which is limestone No. 139. The Kirha nulla is crossed three or four times, 
after which a ridge of the hills called Chiraebhar is passed over, of the same 
formation, and so continues up to the Kukraha nulla. From thence the road 
is fine cultivated plain of black soil, with trap hills about; Khoombhee 
about nine miles. Road through fine cultivated land, with large villages up 
to the ravines, and small hills on the banks of the Heron which are laterite ; 
at this point terminates my notes on the marches. 

Before concluding, I may make some general remarks on the geological 
features of the Mekul hills, three sides of which we had an opportunity of 

On passing along the south face, after descending the Rajadhar ghat, we 
find that limestone is the predominant rock, all the beds of the nullas 
and the lower part of the range up to Kuttame being so, and from thence 
to the foot of the Jogee ghat, granite, syenite, and gneiss, characterized 
also by an extreme dense forest jungle, the trees of which, especially 
sal, are many of them magnificent. On the other, or northern face, with 
exception of some limestone at the last descent of the Purey ghat, the 
prevailing rock of the Sohagpoor plains is sandstone, some trap occa- 
sionally shewing itself in beds of nullas, and small conical hills rising out 
of the plain. The jungle on this side is never dense, and the trees com- 
paratively stunted. The upper part of the range is uniformly basalt, capped 

8/0 Si 
[ al 
: | | 
2 sep Dantemirk | eee i = = —s 
] | | 
t from | 
Jublulpoorto Uniurkintuk: 
PA. Reynolds Delt 
I | 
Y | : Swures: 2 ~~ ~ | 
| aw Hem Rice ~KOONDUM ‘ 
I \ | | 
\ | | 
24)! = wt Be 23 
| \ [of S if 
| | SS ey | | 
| MUNDLA 7, | 
| } z 
1] | 
| | 
oltndrer \ 
o Heera pur i y 
} ir LregBhonso Herartea=™ 
ngs te Sete 
I Fe Ree gurh oe 
\ | 
Kwict warn 
5 , 
j | 
| | 
> = =e 
$]o = ————— 
biti i 

1840. | March from Brinhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. 903 

with laterite; a good view is afforded at the eastern point of the bluff rock 
at Umurkuntuk overlooking the country towards Ruttunpoor, and again at 
the fall of Kupildhar, where the Nerbudda cuts through the laterite, ex- 
posing the compact basalt. 

Fossil shells were found under Patungurh, east of the Mohtura ghat, 
and just above the Purey ghat. 

In addition to the traces of coal noted in the route as found in the bed of 
the Johilla river near Palee, and in a small nulla near Khulesar Omareea 
of Rewah, Mr. Fraser had intelligence from natives of coal being found 
across the Soan in two small nullas called the Hewye and Buroona nullas, 
near the village of Sonhegaon in Sohagpoor district, specimens of which 
accompany the present series. 

In conclusion, I beg to forward the route from Umurkuntuk to Jubulpore, 
as received from Lieutenants Waugh and Rennie, who in 1833 came across 
the country from Chunar to this. 

M. F. 
Kurrunjeeah,... 9 0 Nulla, Bad ghat, road good, village small. 
Kudjurwar, ... 8 4 Tank, Road good, village fair. 
Kunjunpoor, ... 12 6 Nulla, Road bad. 
Jhilmilla, ... 70 Ditto, Road fair, stony. 

Beedaipoor, ... 12 3 Ditto, Ditto. 
Saipoor, .. 80 Tank, A ghat, village pretty fair or large. 
Oodhar nulla,.. 9 0 Nulla, Road fair, village small. 
Burgaon, ... 10 0 Ditto, Road bad, village fair. 
Shaipoora, ... 36 Tank, Road good, large village (a tacoor.) 
Serwae on the , | 

Mahanuddee, 11 3 Stream, Road not good, village small. 

Koondum, ... 12 0 Tank, Road good (from this tank rises the Heron) 
Unyher, ... 16 4 Well, Road very good, village small. 
Jubulpoor, ... 12 0 Road good. 

Total, 132 2 
JuBuLPore, 5th October, 1840. 

Notr.—The inscription copied by Dr. Spilsbury is not of consequence, 
being, it would appear, a mere record of the name of the decorator of the 
place, a private person. I have not published a translation of it, as my 
Pundit was by no means confident of his rendering, the original not being 

correct. py 


Notice of Amulets in use by the Trans-Himalayan Boodhists.— By 
W. E. Carrs, Esa. 

Nors.—The kindness of W. E. Carte, Esq. (Surgeon 69th Regiment N. I.) 
enables me to lay before my readers the accompanying lithographs, with 
a note of explanation by our Librarian. Mr. Carte’s ingenious interpreta- 
tion of the effigies on the scrolls, was necessarily limited by his not having 
the means of interpreting the writing which accompanied them: I have 
therefore omitted it. I owe to his contribution a singular discovery 
connected with the rings, to which Mr. Carte alludes. The reference made 
by him, induced me to examine them more closely with reference to 
their relation to emblems in use with Tartar nations, and the result goes 
T think to establish fair grounds for believing that they are no other 
than specimens of an ancient Chinese currency, brought doubtless by 
the Boodhist pilgrims from China into Afghanistan. I hope to submit a 
further paper shortly on the gems and antiques from the late Capt. Conelly’s 
collection, when I shall be able to state my impressions more at length. 


* Almora, 31st August, 1840. 

“The accompanying scrolls were obtained by me at Rampoor (near 
Kotghur) in 1888, from some of the nomadic Tartars who visit that 
place for the purpose of traffic. The scrolls were enclosed in small 
copper cylindrical cases, with rings attached, and by means of a string 
worn round the neck, perhaps as amulets. I have in vain endeavour- 
ed to have the printed, or written parts, decyphered. The Brahmins at 
this place avre, that they are in the Sanscrit language, though Tibetan 
character; and as Boodic mysteries, were regarded by them with so 
much superstitious aversion, not to say horror, that they would not 
assist in expounding such heterodox symbols. 

‘“‘ T am now induced to forward them to you, from the similarity which 
some of the figures delineated in them bear to those on the copper 
ring, described in No. 14, Plate 2, Fig. 17, of the Journal Asiatic 
Society, as you will I think immediately perceive on comparison. The 

hand in Fig. 10, Plate 1, is also conspicuous, and perhaps further — 

coincidences may occur to a more experienced eye than mine.” 



1840. ] Trans-Himalayan Boodhist Amulets. 905 

Remarks on the above. By Csoma ve Koros, Esq. Librarian to the 
Asiatic Society. 

With reference to the two scrolls which were sent to you from 
Almora, and which you had left with me, together with a letter from 
Mr. W. E. Carte, on the 17th ultimo, I beg leave to inform you that both 
contain abstracts of some larger Tantrika works, or religious treatises, 
in Tibetan, interspersed with mantras in Sanscrit. The first paper, 
eight feet five inches long, of which the figures take two feet five 
inches, and the text six feet, contains 244 lines (two and a half inches 
long each) in printed Tibetan character. I cannot exactly tell you 
what the figures may represent, but I think the first is the regent, or 
ruler of the year, figured by a victorious king. The second is a tortoise, 
with nine spots on the belly, representing the lucky and unlucky periods, 
accordingly as the moon is affected by the planets and constellations, 
during her daily progress in her path. Then come the twelve animals, 
after which the years of the cycle of twelve years are called, opposite 
one to another, thus: the rat or mouse and ox; tiger and hare; dragon 
and serpent; horse and sheep, or ram; ape and bird; the dog and hog. 
Then the amphora and pices, for the twelve zodiacal signs ;—signs of 
four planets, as the sun and moon, for all the rest. Then representations 
of the four, eight, and ten corners of the world. A king, his minister, 
horse, elephant, soldier, sun, moon, eye, ass, &c. Afterwards, from the 
head of a bird downwards, in. two lines, there are Chinese symbolical 
figures, or characters, having perhaps the same meaning as the figures 
above designed. These symbolical characters were used 200 years 
before Jesus Christ, under the Han dynasty ; the Tibetans now also use 
them on large square seals. 

There are on this paper five different abridged Tantrika works, or 
sfitras, under distinct titles, the Sanscrit being generally erroneously 

1. Contents of the first sitra. The salutation, only in Sanscrit, 
thus: Namo Shri Kalachakrayé (which should be thus: Namas Shri 
Kalachakraya. English : “ Salutation to the circle of Time.” The year, 
month, day, and hour, are figured by a prince, minister, soldier, and 
weapon. All the regents of the year, month, day, and hour; those of 
the planets, constellations, stars, Nagas, and imps are requested to 
look on these symbolical figures, and be favourable to the person who 

906 Trans-Himalayan Boodhist Amulets. [No. 105. 

wears or carries with him these symbols and mystical prayers, that 
he may succeed in every undertaking. Many particular businesses or 
works (religious, sacrificial, civil, and economical) are here enumerated, 
and all classes of divinity are requested not to hinder him in any of 
his occupations, but to assist him, that he may increase in prosperity, 
and see all his works accomplished. Here also occur some mantras ; 
that, at the end being thus: Om/ Supratishtha Vajrayé-Swahd, 
Mangalam. . ; 

2. The second work contains in Sanscrit, short addresses to Shakya 
Muni, to Vagishwari, to Manipadme, to Vajra Pani, and to Vajra Guru, 
Padma Siddhi. 

3. The third contains one sloka and a half, in Tibetan, with a mystical 
formula in Sanscrit, on the melodious recital of the several attributes of 
Manju Shri, (in Tibetan, Jém-pdl) the god of wisdom.—It is pretended 
that this short siatra, taught by Shakya himself, and buried under 
ground in the country of Lho-brag, in Tibet, by Padma Sambhava 
in the 9th century after Jesus Christ, was taken out and divulged by 
Guru Chos-kyi d, Vang phyug. 

4. This is called the venerable stitra, dispelling the darkness of the ten 
corners of the world. The salutation is especially addressed to Jém- 
pal (Manju Shri, in Sans.) and to the ten Buddhas in the ten corners 
of the world. In each of the ten corners of the world (four cardinal, 
four intermediate, the Zenith and Nadir) fancifully is named a Buddha 
province, with a fancied Buddha in it. To each of them successively 
is addressed a set form of salutation, with a short request, thus: 
“Tf I go towards that corner, after having obtained my aim, grant 
that I may quickly return home.” Again a request to those Buddhas, 
that he who carries with him this sitra, may obtain, together with his 
family, similar blessings to those granted to a handsome faced youth 
by Shakya, when he first taught him this sitra. Then follow some man- 
tras. Lastly, is stated by whom, and in what part of Tibet this sutra, 
was found, and taken out from under-ground. 

5. This is styled the ‘“ Satra of eight lights.” The salutation is ad- 
dressed to Buddha, religion, and holy priests, &c. There are several 
mantras, or physical formule in Sanscrit, to avert any unlucky 
year, month, day, and hour, the influence of any malignant planet or 
star. Other mantras for preventing any unlucky accident before and 

Llate/” Prided Pell 

| RAGAN Asnane \ ok SNS 

ey, : $ ’ pe ' : : q oa “2 i ad 
Trane Tica A diastole 

hale omee 

Se | 

ate aku ee 
% he a P: + 



i Oe yes 

+ > ae Sa aee 
Ana. Za ES Ee: SN 

, + 4 
irs ee 






Rh Bo 





MIMS phe 

Keer te bith: Prete Ballin bcs 


oY eS 







1840. ] Trans-Himalayan Boodhist Amulets. 907 

after noon. ‘Then follow several other mystical prayers for averting 
any evil or calamity, intended by Tshangs-pa (Sans. Brahma) by the 
great god (Sans. Mahé Déva). Then follows a prayer, that by the re- 
petition of the mantras all evil spirits may be driven away, all hostile 
troops defeated, and that every wish may be accomplished. State- 
ment of the place where this Sitra was found under the ground. The 
conclusion is with this mantra: “ Om / Vayra Chan'da Mahé Roshana 
Him, Phat. Namas Chan’da Vajra Krodhaya, Hulu Hulu, Tishtha 
Tishtha, Bandha Bandha, Hana Hana, Armati Him, Phat, 
Mangalm.” | ; 

The second paper (four feet eight inches long, together with the figures 
of the twelve animals, after which the years in the cycle of twelve years 
are denominated) contains, in 121 lines three inches long each, a 
manuscript copy of the two last numbers of the former paper, also a 
rough sketch of the nine spots on the belly of a tortoise, in a square; 
and afterwards, successively downwards, the figures of the twelve 
animals of the cycle of twelve years. The writing may easily be read, 
but the orthography is bad, and the Sanscrit titles and mantras have been 
erroneously transcribed. | 

This is the sum of the general contents of the two scrolls worn by 
the Tibetans as amulets for obtaining the favour of particular divinities, 
and for averting all kinds of evil spirits. 

Report on the Country between Kurrachee, Tatia, and Sehwan, Scinde. 
By Capt. E. P. De a Hoste, Assistant Quarter-Master General. 

This portion of Scinde contains a space of 6,934 square miles; the 
position of the above places being as follows— 

Latitude. Longitude. 
Kurrachee, DOA OT Cio Oat” 
Tatta, 24° 45’ 0" 67° 59 0" 
Sehwan, Ope ye OL O8°7 aa: 

The soil may be considered as generally light clay, although in some 
Soil and Inhabitants. places there is a good deal of sand, and in others 
sandstones and pebbles, mixed with the soil. The former is in general 
the formation of the lower parts, whilst of the latter, the hilly tracts 
are composed. Where irrigated and manured, this soil is very productive, 

but except in the vicinity of the river Indus there is little or no cul- 
| DZ 

908 Report on the Country between [No. 105. 

tivation in the whole of the country under description. Indeed, with — 
exception of the large towns above mentioned, and those permanent 
villages along the right bank of the Indus from Tatta to Sehwan, with 
Gharra and Gooja, there are no fixed villages within the limits; the in- 
habitants are consequently few, and are chiefly employed in tending large 
flocks of sheep and goats, camels, and buffaloes, in which their wealth 
consists. Their habitations are as rude as their appearance, being com- 
posed of a kind of matting or tattie, made from a reed called puk or 
punkah; these resemble the huts seen in many parts of India, in the 
outskirts of villages, in which Wanggries and Kolatnees reside ; the reed 
there is called sozlkee ; when properly made their tatties keep out the 
rain and dust in a wonderful manner. The puk or punkah used in © 
Scinde is of a much larger size, and of a dark brown colour; it is 
easily rolled up when the shepherds require to move, which they do 
according as the grass and water become expended. These people, (it 
will be remembered I speak of the wandering tribes,) are Belooches, — 
Jokias, and Soomries. 
The Belooches occupy a portion of the country which would be des- ) 
cribed by aline being drawn from the end of the Jutteel Hills to Tatta. — 
The Jokias, the country between Tatta and Kurrachee. And the Soom- © 
ries the remaining part of the district. 

The former are insolent and thievishly inclined, being Scindian j 
Belooches, and patronised by the rulers of the country. ‘ 

The Jokias are well disposed; and the Soomries a quiet, inoffensive t 
race, in this part of the country, whatever they may be elsewhere. . 

From the inquiries I have instituted, I do not believe that the 
amount of population in this part of Scinde (the large permanent 
villages and towns not included) exceeds 5 or 6000. Their food 
is chiefly meat; grain is little used, a substitute is found for it by dry- 
ing and pounding a berry called decr, which is mixed with water, and 
packed away in pots; this with sour milk as a beverage, is what they 
exist on. They derive some profit from the coarse nummuds made 
from the wool of their goats and sheep; as also, since our arrival, from 
the quantity of the puk tattas* and mats that have been disposed 
of by them. 

* These Tattas are not made by the Soomries, but by the Seks and Lubannas.— 
E.P.D. ; 

| 1840. | Kurrachee, Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde. 909 

The Revenue derived from this part of Scinde by the Ameers is re- 
Revenue. alised chiefly at Kurrachee, which alone pays yearly one 
lac of Rupees, out of which the following sums are paid— 

Saduk Shah Newaub, ... ... oe er ae 180 0 O 
14 Beloochee (Jukia) Sepoys, ats wit vein LOO SOL na) 
4 Golundauze, oe < ae Hi fis 20 0 O 
1 Jemedar and 20 Sepoys, As a nscie 2, OMe 
Naqua Jemadar of Kelafsees, su ae ae Lis o 
Alla Rukka Jemadar, se i ae Nae 30). (0) 3G 
Tukchund, ... tas ue. slave nee: ‘is 30.0 0 
Abbasali. Shaw, ee ck seit ae se 23 OO 
Kurrumchund, ne oa hs ee se 31. 00 
2 Moonshees, aa ‘e ut ‘Seis ea 24 0 O 
Inferior Ditto, se ae : os om o- 720 
2 Peons for collecting taxes on the Marais (fisher- 
men) a as sia 58 16 0 O 
Writers and Ronee. for the Port ih 19.0. 0 
2 Durwans (door-keepers at Mitta and Pee Gates, ) EY O,, 0 
2 Attendants at principal Police station, iO. .0 
Peon over Moochees, ... 4 0 0 
Paymaster (Receiver) se ai Le 5 (ire: Pom 0) 
Stationary, Hileege SIN) 
OS a aek Be Sis 0 
3 Syyuds, Pensioners, sae ee N: Sue 24: 8 0) 
12s" 724 SG 
Annual Expenditure, se 5 se naeig (O}OGe OaO 

Expenses allowed annually in Fort Munoora, formerly, 1,344 0 O 
-Sepoys (20) at 5 Rupees, 100 

Water for above, 12 
19 ae one 
10,038 0 O 
Annual Gift to Muggar Peer, ae aa doe AOE Ae 

10,145 0 O 


910 Report on the Country between (No. 105. 

The amount thus realised from Kurrachee is the produce of the land 
and sea customs, there being little or no revenue derived from the 

I can form no idea here of what the revenue of Tatta and Sehwan 
may be; the tax on the “ Mahamios,” or fishermen on the Indus, is a 
considerable source of wealth to the rulers of the country.* 

The only Rivers of any note in this tract are the Hubb, (which rises 

Rivers. near Zehrey, and enters the sea, west of Cape Monge) 
and the Barran; the others, consisting of the Mulleere Hurchee, Leaeer, 
Kowranee, Rooah, Peepree, Goorban, Murraie, Pokun, Warkees, Kay- 
jooree, and Doombeh, are all mountain streams, dry the greater part of 
the year, but water always found by digging a few feet in their 
beds. I am led to believe that a sufficient quantity might be 
readily obtained (by excavating large pools in the rivers) for irri- 
gation, were the excessive taxation abolished, and greater protec- 
tion afforded the cultivators. This is a matter of serious consideration 
on the route from hence to Sehwan direct, as the great difficulty 
now to be overcome, is the want of supplies on the line of route. 
In the Pokun Kayjooree, or Doobee (the same rivers, only at different 
points, so called from halting places) water would not be found 
probably without great labour, but were holes or pits made, the 
water would remain in them. Their beds are rocky, the others sandy. 

The Hubb has been traced from the Pubb hill to the sea, a distance 

Hubb. of fourteen and a half miles, throughout which a depth 
of water of eight inches in the month of September was found, 
and in some places deep pools, abounding with fish and alligators. The 
river is said never to fall even in the driest seasons, and is the chief 
resort of the Soomries and Belooches. This does not appear to be ~ 
the description of a fine river, but in this part of Scinde a running 4 
stream (except after rain) is seldom met with. : 

The Hubb enters the sea west of Cape Monge (Mooaree) and be- 
tween it and the island of Churna or Churn. It rises near Zehrie, and 
has been traced from near Hoja Jamote, in the route to which place 
a description of it is given. 

The Barran rises in a mountain called Kirter, north-west of § 

Barran. Humlanee thirty coss, and joins the Indus two and a | 

* In preparation—E.P.D. 

1840. | Kurrachee, Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde. 911 

half furlongs south of Kotree ; for one mile from its junction with the 
great river it contains a good deal of water. It is laid down on the 
route from Kurrachee to Hyderabad direct. 

The streams are frequently called after the tribes that are in the 
habit of residing on their banks, and indeed the villages or camps also 
derive their names from the same source ; “ Hoja Jamote,” “ Hoja,” the 
chief of that party, and ‘‘ Jamote,” the name of the tribe, ‘“‘ Shah tra Gote,” 
**Muhumud Khan ke Tando,” are of this derivation. 

Hills are numerous in the northern and north-east portion of this 

Hills. tract, and it will be easy to trace them by reference to the map. 

The ranges are— 

1. The nearest to Kurrachee, ending in Cape Monge. 

2, The Pubb range, of which that mountain is the highest point. 

3. The Sahkan Hill; the Morethe ; and Har More Pubb. 

4. Jutteel Lukki, Karra, and a number of other detached hills, which 
bear the names given them in the map. It will be seen that the Lu- 
kki mountains do not hold the place assigned them in most of the maps. 
They run from the Jutteel range nearly south-west towards Hydera- 
bad, and from the Lukki pass (the town of Lukki near the pass pro- 
_ bably, gives it the name of Lukki) by projecting into the Indus. This 
pass is now nearly destroyed by the force of the current of the river, 
and probably next year will not exist. In these hills hot springs 
are found, also alum and sulphur. The fort of Runnei, which I shall 
have occasion to describe hereafter, is situated hereabouts. 

The Jutteel run nearly south-west from Sehwan, are very lofty and 

Jutteel. steep; they extend to Dooba, or Domba, sixty-six miles, 
and the road direct from Kurrachee to Sehwan runs between them 
and another range, equally high. 

It may be said that the tract of country from Soameanee to Sehwan, 
and from.thence to Kurrachee, contains scarcely any thing but hills 
and mountain streams. Lead, antimony, alum, sulphur, and copper, are 
found in these hills. 

The forts are Munoora, Runnie, near the Indus; Bamboor, near 

Forts. Gharra, Killa Kote, near Tatta; the old castle called Kaffer 
Killa, near Sehwan. 

Munoora will be found described in the report by Captain Harris 

Munoora, and myself on Kurrachee. : 

912 Report on the Country between — [ No. 105. 

Runnie ka Kote is situated two and a half coss from Sunn, a town of 
Runnie. about 100 houses, on the right bank of the Indus. It 

was built by Meer Kurrum Ali, and his brother Meer Morad Ali 
twenty-seven years ago, cost twelve lacs of rupees, and has never 
been inhabited in consequence of there being a scarcity of water in 
and near it. That so large a fort should have been constructed with- 
out its having been ascertained beforehand that an article so indis- 
pensably requisite, not only for the use of man, but even for the con- 
struction of the walls, was wanting, seems most extraordinary ; but I am 
told that this is the sole reason for its having been abandoned. A 
rapid stream in the rains runs past it and joins the Indus, and by a 
deviation from its course, part of the walls of this fort have been de- 
stroyed. The hill on the north face is the steepest, and from the in- 
telligence I received, must be at least 800 or 1000 feet high; the op- 
posite hill is of considerable height, and the east and west walls are 
built on level ground, and join those constructed on the hills ; the whole 
is of stone and chunam, forming an irregular pentagon, and enclosing 
a space capable of containing 2000 men. 

The course of the river (which I believe to be that described by me 
in the account of Scinde, written in 1832 as Sunn river) ran formerly 
round the base of the north face, but about twelve years ago it changed 
its course, and destroyed part of the north-west wall, the distance 
from that wall to the river being about 400 yards; the bed of the 
river (original course) is described as rocky; if so, nothing could 
be more easy than to deepen it at the point where it has taken a turn, 
and construct a tunnel from thence to the fort, and below the wall 
(which must be rebuilt on arches) an excavation made inside, to receive 
the water, and a supply would be secured. It is not surprising however 
that this idea has not occurred to those who originally built the place, 
without considering from whence water was to be obtained. The fort is 
thirty-eight coss from Kurrachee. I have a survey of the route to 

within twenty-seven coss of it, and shall endeavour to get a rough survey 

of the fort, as it might be of use as a station for our troops. The 

Ameers, I am told, would gladly give it up, considering it of no value 

from the cause stated. 4 
Bambour is in the Gharra creek ; it is scarcely distinguishable now, and 
Bambour. is reported to have been the site of a Kaffir city and fort. 

oe ee 

1840. | Kurrachee, Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde. 913 

Killa ka Kote is three miles south of Tatta (built by the Newabs 

Killa ka Kote. from Delhi, it is said.) 

There are several traditions respecting it; I take the following 

Kaffir Killa. account and sketch of it from my Journal, kept during 
the Scinde Mission, April 14, 18382. 

“ This evening we landed near the town of Sehwan, and after visiting 
a ruined Eadgah, which at a distance we mistook for the fort built by 
Alexander, or rather said to have been built by him, we discovered 
by the aid of two Scindians that the mound was north-west of the town, 
through a part of which we walked and ascended the fort. It is an 
artificial mound, eighty or ninety paces high; on the top, a space of 1500 
feet by 800 surrounded by a broken wall; we examined the remains 
of several old towers of brick, and I took a hasty sketch of the gateway, 
which is remarkably lofty. The mound is evidently artificial, and the 
remains of several towers visible. The brickwork seems to extend to 
the bottom of the mound, or at any rate to a considerable depth, as we 
. could see down the parts washed away by the rains. A well filled up, 
was observed. We were told that coins and medals were frequently found 
on and near the place, but we were not so fortunate as to obtain any.” 

I regret now having had so little time to devote to the examination 
of this fort, but think the period of its construction is not of so an- 
cient a date as is ascribed to it. 

The resources of the country, as far as grain, cloth, &c. are concerned, 

Resources. are drawn from the large towns near the river, and its vici-. 
nity. Cattle, sheep, goats, and camels, are abundant in the desert tract. 

Grain is brought from Tatta and Sehwan; bajary, wheat, and rice, 
principally brought from Larkhanna. Grass is abundant along the 
river, and in the hills N. E. of Kurrachee. A supply should be cut 
and stacked in September and October, for the Scindians merely bring 
in the daily supply. 

At Tatta—cloth, loongies, and carpets; at Sehwan, carpets, and the 

Manufactures. Caps worn by the Scindians at Kurrachee. Iam in- 
formed many articles of the same sort are made. 

Skins and hides, raw and tanned, are exported to Arabia and Bom- 
bay. The report on Kurrachee includes this subject. 

The only one near Kurrachee is the Peer Munjah Musjeia, and 

Curiosities. hot springs, 9 miles N.E. of Kurrachee. The hot 

914 Report on the Country between [No. 105. 

springs abound with alligators, and a most disgusting sight they are; 
there are, it is said, upwards of 200 of them, in a small space scarcely 
120 yards in circumference, some very large ; their appearance basking 
in the sun is not unlike a dried date tree. This place has been well 
described by Lieutenant Carloss, Indian Navy. 

The climate of Lower Scinde, out of the influence of the sea breeze, 

Climate. is bad during the months of August, September, October, 
and November; fevers are then very prevalent, and of a very dan- 
gerous and obstinate nature. The fact of the whole of the 26th 
regiment having suffered from fever, (2 Officers and one Havildar only 
excepted), 3 European Officers, and nearly 100 men having died this 
season, is sufficient proof of the unhealthiness of the climate in these 
months, within the influence of the malaria arising from the inundated 
lands. Sehwan is not better I fear, for, from its situation it is equally 
open to miasma from the marshes S. W. of it, and the inundated 
country N. and N. E.; most of our people who have been there have 
been attacked with fever. 

Kurrachee has been healthy, and the climate mild and temperate; the 
cold bracing, but not severe hitherto, (16th December), a point which 
may be of importance in fixing the site of the cantonment for the 
troops remaining in Scinde. 

The roads in this part of Scinde are, as in most others, mere foot 

Routes. paths, wheeled carriages being unknown; better are scarcely 
necessary. Surveys have been made of the following :— 

Kurrachee to Tatta ; 

to Sehwan ; 

to Kotree ; 

to Hubb River, and along its bank to the sea; 
to Fort Munoora by land ; 

to Hoja Jamote ; 

es to Mujjah Veer ; 

i to Gisiey Creek ; 

these have been performed by two guides, Oree Sing and Essoo 
Rama, and my private guide, Kenkaya Mahadavia ; and a survey of our 
camp, and the country near it, by Capt. Boyd, who acted for me 
during my absence on sick certificate. 

1840. | Kurrachee, Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde. 915 

The following remarks were drawn up by me in transmitting copies 
of the routes to Bombay :— 

The routes forwarded by this day’s post, December 1 5th, are of consi- 
derable importance, since they shew the present state of the country on 
the right bank of the Indus, from Sehwan to the sea; from which it will 
be observed, that in a line of road extending in one instance 140 miles, 
and. in another 96, not one single permanent village has been met with, 
although no scarcity of water exists; various causes are assigned for 
this desolation. The revenue of the country is reduced to that realized 
at Kurrachee, which averages one lac of Rupees. 

The route from hence to Hyderabad vid Kotree has been lately 
travelled by Lieutenant and Mrs. Travers, and by Lieutenant Franklin, 
2nd Grenadiers, and his detachment of 60 rank and file. No difficulty 
has been experienced; supplies of grain and food were taken from hence ; 
sheep, and goats are procurable on the line of route. The country is 
quiet, and the few people met with civil and inoffensive; water is found 
in the beds of the rivers by digging a few feet. 

The above remarks are equally applicable to the route from hence 
to Sehwan, which is however of greater importance than the former, 
since it opens a direct communication with the interior of Scinde. 

To the merchants the discovery of this route is of the greatest value, 
since, by pursuing it, they avoid the delay and danger of entering and 
tracking up the Indus to Sehwan, a journey of at least one month; 
which can be performed in ten days from Kurrachee. The water com- 
munication from Sehwan to Larkana, and to the Indus by the Arul and 
Narra, is highly advantageous, since the rapid current is avoided, which 
is an obstacle in the Indus. 

The route from Kurrachee to Hoja Jamote, in the vicinity of Kanaraj 
river, has proved the existence there of lead and antimony. The in- 
formation I have obtained in consequence, of the existence of copper 
near Beyla, is also of importance; and may hereafter be turned to 

It remains only for me to speak of the boats and boatmen, the 

Boats and Boatmen. harbour of Kurrachee having been described in 
a former report. The boatmen are all Mahomedans, and called Moanas. 
They are respectable and hardy fellows, and not of the same description 
as the Mohannas of Upper Scinde, and on the river. The wives of the 


916 Report on the Country between Kurrachee, &c. (No. 105. 

latter are called Kod/ee, and are not remarkable for their fidelity, a point 
which causes their husbands to be looked down on. 

The tonnage for boats on. the river is calculated by a measure called 
Kharar,* which in the measurement of boats is equal to three Bombay 
candies, making the Kharar — lbs. English. 

But at Kurrachee the tonnage is calculated in candies. The follow- , 

ing measures are in use at Kurrachee. Four Chotallo, one Pattee; six- 
teen Pattee, one Kassa; sixty Kassa one Kharar; one Kharar, ninety 
Bombay maunds. 

Tn measuring grain the Kharar varies in size, thus ; bajery and wheat 
three and a half candies one kharar; rice, three and a three-quarter 
candies one kharar. 

Description of Boats belonging to the harbour of Kurrachee. 

Kotia.—The Kotia resembles botells used in India, it has a flat stern 
and round bottom, and does not fall over much, when ground. 

Dinjee.—The Dinjee is sharp bowed, bottom, and stern, and must 
be supported by props when aground, like the pallymar used in India, 
excepting having a high stem or poop. 

The former are heavy sailers, the latter speedy. 

Camp KurracHEE, 
December 26th, 1839. 

Narrative of facts attending the Wreck of the Transport “ Indian Oak” 
on the Loochoo Islands ; communicated from the Political Secrata- 
riat Office, Government of India. 

To C. B. Greenzaw, Esa., 
Secretary to the Marine Board, Calcutta. 


The last letter I had the honor to forward to your address, was from ~ 
Singapore, dated 23rd June; on the following day I sailed for Macao in. ~ 
the transport ‘“ Hooghly,” taking with me the transport “ Clifton,” as — 
directed by His Excellency the Admiral and Commander-in-Chief ; and — 
arrived with the above ships at Macao on the 12th July, where I received _ 
further instructions to proceed with the ships under my orders to Chu- 4 

* « Khur waw ”’ literally. 

oo ee ere > 

1840. | Wreck of the Transport ** Indian” Oak. 917 

san, and arrived at the latter port on the 28th July, where I joined the 
Admiral and fleet. His Excellency the Admiral directed me to return 
to Singapore, and assume the duties of Resident Agent for transports 
at that port; in pursuance of which, I was directed by Commodore Sir 
J. J. G. Bremer to join the transport “Indian Oak” for a passage to the 
latter place. We sailed from Chusan on the 10th of August, and on 
the 14th instant following, I regret to say, were wrecked on the Great 
Loochoo Island, in lat. 26° 21’ 46’ N., about 10 miles to the north- 
ward of the principal place, Napakiang ; and longitude by the “ Indian 
Oak’s” chronometer 127° 12’ 45" K., which now proved to have been full 
thirty miles too far west. For particulars, I cannot do better than refer 
you to the enclosed copy of a letter addressed to Commodore Sir J. J. G. 
Bremer, forwarded through the chief officer, Mr. Field, who succeeded 
in making Chusan in the launch, and returned to our relief with H. M’s. 
ships ‘“‘ Nimrod” and “ Cruizer” on the 16th September. As the junk 
mentioned in my letter to the Commodore had been built, and nearly 
completed, in which it was our intention to have proceeded to Singapore, 
Captain Barlow, senior officer, was of opinion, that she might be useful to 
the force at Chusan, and determined on sending the ‘‘ Cruizer” back 
with the mails and despatches on the following day, and remain to ac- 
company the junk. When all being completed, and the stores and 
crew of the “ Indian Oak” embarked on the junk, I, with Mr. Payne my 
writer, embarked on the “ Nimrod,” and sailed on the 29th of September 
for Chusan, where H. M’s. ship “ Nimrod,” with the junk ‘ Loochoo,” 
arrived on the Sth instant. 

I should not do justice to my own feelings, or to those kind Islanders, 
the Loochooers, were I to omit stating, and bringing to the notice of 
government, the very great kindness and hospitality received from 
the moment of our landing to the date of our departure, which was 
uniform from the first to the last, with the exception that we were not 
allowed to pass into the interior, or exceed the limits of our compound 
beyond the wreck; our own contrymen could not have been kinder. 
They not only built a vessel of 150 to 180 tons burthen, but gave us 
a plentiful supply of provisions during our stay of forty-six days on the 
island, and one month’s provision for every person in the junk ; they 
also furnished H. M’s. ships with water and fresh supplies during 
their stay, declining to receive any thing in the shape of payment 

918 Wreck of the Transport “ Indian Oak.” [No. 105. 

in return; stating they neither wanted gold or silver, but in the event 
of any of their own vessels falling on the coasts of any of our settle- 
ments in distress, that we would treat their people with the same 

kindness, and send them back to their country. The only return 

they accepted was a telescope from myself, and one presented by 
Captain Barlow, with twelve copies of the Saturday and Penny Maga- ~ 
zines, a small print, and a looking glass in the name of Her Britannic ~ 
Majesty. | 
In conclusion, I can only regret my inability to do full justice — 
to those kind, hospitable, and good people. In my letter to Sir J. J. | 
Gordon Bremer, I stated the latitude of the wreck to have been 26° 11’, 
which is wrong, and which mistake was occasioned by an error in the 1 
sextant, that I did not discover until after the departure of the long q 
boat ; the true latitude however is 26° 21’ 46” N. both by double alti- — 
tudes and altitudes of the Pole Star, all taken on a false horizon, at the — 
village of Peekoo. “a 
As I have kept a journal of occurrences during our stay in Loochoo, | 
should it be requisite, I shall be able to furnish full particulars of every 1 
occurrence, winds, weather, &c., that took place until my departure : 
in H. M’s. “ship Nimrod.” His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief — 
has directed, that I should hold myself in readiness to proceed to ~ 
Manilla, with two or three transports, in which sick troops are to be 
embarked for a change of air and fresh supplies. On receiving further 
instructions, I shall not fail to apprise you of my movements by © 
the first opportunity. ‘ 
H. Co’s. Transport, Futty Salam, ( Signed) J.J. R. Bowman, 
Cuusan HaRrBour. Agt. for T: ransports, Eastern Expedition. 
19th, October, 1840. 4 
To Sm J. J. G. Bremer, K.C.B. & K.C.H. 
Commodore of the \st Class. 
It is with sincere and deep regret, that I have to report the loss — 
of H. M’s. transport, “Indian Oak,” R. Grainger, Master, on one of the _ 
Loochoo Islands, on the 14th instant, about 11 a.m. The following heads z 
of occurrences will I hope afford you all the information I am at 3 
present able to give, on this most unfortunate event. "a 

1840. ] Wreck of the Transport * Indian Oak.’’ 919 

Monday, 10th August. Parted company with H. M’s. ship ‘ Alli- 
gator,” off Keeto Point, Chusan, and passed out, between the Buffalo’s 
Nose and the Quesan Islands. 

_At9vp.m. the S. Easternmost Island, Pata-hecock, bore EbN. 4 to 
5 miles, blowing a fresh breeze from the northward, steered SEbE. 

Noon, Tuesday 11th.—In Lat. by Obs. 28° 26’ 17"; Long. Ch. 123° 
24’ 15" E. departure taken from Chusan said to be in 122° 6’ E, 
of Greenwich ; at this time blowing a hard gale from NNE. with a 
high sea ; the ship was reduced to close-reefed topsails, and topgallant 
yards sent down on deck. Bar. 29° 63’. 

Midnight. Severe gale and high sea, Bar. 29° 50’. 

Noon, Wednesday 12th.—Lat. Obs. 27° 13’ 22” N. ; Long. Ch. 124° 
55' 45” E.; Bar. 29° 40’; ship’s main rigging very slack, and in great 
danger of losing the main-mast ; sent down the gallant mast, and swifted 
the rigging in. Furled the fore and mizen-topsails, and hove to under 
close-reefed main-topsails. 

Midnight. Gale very severe from the northward, blowing in gusts, 
with rain and a very high sea. Bar. 29° 35’. 

Noon, Thursday 13th.—Lat. Obs. 26° 29’, N.; Long. Ch. 124° 51’ E.; 
Bar. 29° 35’, P.M. 3, somewhat more moderate, set the fore-topsail 
and steered EbS. 

6 p.m. Set fore-sail, and at 10 P.M. set the main-sail. Midnight strong 
gales and hard squalls. 

Friday, 14th.—10 a.m. course per log, from noon of yesterday, 
allowing one point lee-way for the heave of the sea, placed the 
ship in as follows :—Course per log 166° 30' E. 121 miles. Lat. D. R. 
26° 51’ N.; Long. R. R. 127° 2', from which Capt. Grainger consi- 
dered himself well to the SW. of the Loochoo Group, when in the 
act of working up the above reckoning, discoloured water was reported 
by the officer of the watch, and the ship immediately hauled up SSW. 
the wind previously having hauled to the NW. in a very severe squall, 
shifted to the westward of the ship, broke off the SSE. ; land and breakers 
were now seen on our lee quarter, extending to SSW. on our weather 
bow; wore ship and stood to the northward, at this time the fore-top- 
mast staysail, fore-topsail, and foresail, were blown out of the bolt 

ropes ; found ourselves unable to weather the north point of the Island, 

: off which was a long extent of heavy breakers, and a very high sea 

920 Wreck of the Transport “ Indian Oak.” {No. 105. . 

running; the weather being so very thick, the land was scarcely 
discernible, although not more than three miles off. Finding ourselves 
embayed, and no possibility of saving the ship, wore with the hope of 
saving the lives of the crew, and stood to the southward for what 
appeared an opening, but which proved only a small inlet or bay, full — 
of breakers. The heavy sea and the want of sail, setting us fast on the 
shore, between 10-30, and 11 a. ™M. struck on an extensive rocky 
ledge, extending about two miles from the shore, with numerous rocky 
‘patches, just a-wash. The sea now made a clean breach over the ship ; 
she shortly after fell over on her beam-ends, and broke her back about 
the chess tree, the fore part falling in deep water. Cut away the 
main mast, and some time after the mizen mast. All hands now col- 
lected aft, under the poop, and on the weather quarter and mizen 
chains. On the ship’s falling over, lost the larboard quarter boat 
which was washed on shore, by which we observed the tide to 
be falling. . 

The gale now increasing to a severe hurricane, with heavy rain, our 
only remaining hope was in getting a rope on shore. The first attempt 
to carry a line on shore was made by William Bagburn (seaman sent 
from the Blenham) but owing to the strong drawback, failed, and 
was with some risk hauled in; a second attempt with the lead line 
was made by a lascar, who succeeded in reaching the shore (greatly 
exhausted and cut by the rocks) but lost the line. About this time 
a number of natives came down and motioned us to land. An x 
attempt was now made to get the jolly boat out, which was stowed 
on the launch, but in doing so, she was stove to pieces. Several 
attempts were now made with hatches, gratings, and oars, all of 4 
which failed, owing to the line fouling the rocks; two more attempts — | 
were made, by two lascars, to carry the log line on shore, one of — 
whom succeeded, and the end of the deep sea lead line got on § . 
shore, but which also fouled the rocks, and was thereby rendered use- a 
less. The tide coming in, all the Islanders with our two men left — 
the reef; our only remaining hope being in the strength of the ship, Ea 
and the after part holding together. As the tide came in, the wind — 
and sea increased; the latter making a complete breach over all, 
fore and aft, and throwing pieces of sheathing and copper over the 
vessel in all directions. Finding it impossible to hold on longer on 

1840. | Wreck of the Transport “ Indian Oak.” 921 

the outside, all hands got under the poop, with the ship on her beam 
ends and deck nearly perpendicular. 

As the tide came in, the sea gradually hove the vessel higher on the 
reef until she lodged on a small ledge of rocks. Our rudder was torn 
off with part of the counter shortly after striking, through which the sea 
rushed into the poop and lower cabins. Each sea that struck the vessel. 
Shook her very frame. Closely huddled together under the poop, were 
the commander, officers, passengers, and crew, drenched by every sea, 
and shivering with cold, most of us having thrown off all clothes, 
as it was likely to impede swimming. We remained in this state until 
about 4 past 11 p.m., when the tide having receded, and the weather 
considerably moderated, we found ourselves much nearer the shore, and 
comparatively smooth under the lee. Sounded on the lee side, and found 
only from five to six feet water ; immediately piped all hands on shore, 
the mizen mast, yards, and gaff forming a raft. All hands got on shore, 
including the sick, in safety, with exception of a few cuts and bruises 
from the rocks. All the crew and passengers having got on shore, 
myself, the commander and officers followed, and after walking about 
a mile over a rocky ledge, towards some lights at high water mark, 
were met by a party of the Islanders, and greeted with kind hospitality, 
hot tea and rice being served out to every man. Nothing can show 
their hospitality in a stronger light than the following :—I had nothing 
on but a shirt and drawers, drenched to the skin; one of the prin- 
cipal men noticing my situation, took off his outer jacket or coat, 
and insisted on my putting it on. After resting on the beach a short 
time, we were conducted to a comfortable dwelling, or court house, 
where dry clothing was given to all who stood in need, and we were again 
regaled with warm tea, rice, eggs, and fowls. Words are not adequate 
to express the kindness, attention, and hospitality we have received 
from the first moment of landing to the present time, from these 
kind and good people; their honesty is beyond praise,—articles of 
silver, gold, and wearing apparel strewed in every direction to dry, 
but not an article touched. 

_. Most of our wearing apparel has been saved, but all more or less 
damaged from being drenched for several days in the sea. Several 
dozens of the Commander’s wine and beer have also been saved, 
but I regret to say little of the ship’s provisions. We are entirely 


922 Wreck of the Transport “ Indian Oak.’ — [No. 105. 

dependant on these good people, who have up to the present time sup- 
plied us abundantly. | 
For all further particulars, I refer you to the bearer, Mr. Field, first 
officer of the late ship ‘‘ Indian Oak,” whose conduct throughout this 
trying occasion has been most meritorious ; and in nothing more so, than 
at present, in volunteering to proceed in the launch to Chusan, as the 
bearer of intelligence most unfortunate, and I fear of serious disap- 
pointment and loss to the expedition generally, which no one can 
feel more than myself. I can give you no description of the place, 
as we are not allowed to go beyond the limits of our dwelling, except to 
the wreck. | 
From altitudes taken in a false horizon for the Chronometer, and 
several altitudes of the Pole Star, I make the geographical position of 
our dwelling, about two miles east of the wreck, as follows :— 
By a meridian altitude of the sun from Sed 26° 1]! 34" N. 
wreck, about 14 miles horizon, 
By several altitudes of the Pole Star taken} 26° 11! 29" ,, 
in an artificial horizon, a 
Long. by Chronometer, ... ... ... «197° 12! 45” E. : 
from which I conclude we are on one of the small Islands to the west- _ 
ward of the Great Loochoo; but the natives whenever questioned, say 
we are on the larger Island, but jealous of our gaining any know- 
ledge of their Island, invariably evade the question ; they however have j 
promised to build a vessel to take us to Singapore, of the following — 
dimensions, which they say shall be ready in two months, viz. 
65 feet long, 23 ditto broad, 71 ditto hold. : 
I trust however Mr. Field will succeed in reaching Chusan in safety, — 
from whence I feel assured speedy relief will be sent, with this hope, 
and full confidence in a good God, 

I am, &e. 
Loocuoo Istanps, \ (Signed) J. J.R. Bowman, 
28th August, 1840. Agent for Transports, Eeastern Expedition: 

P.S.—Since writing the above, I have been assured by one of the — 
principal men, that we are on the Great Loochoo; this from what I ~ 
can see of the land from the wreck, is my opinion, also ; judging from 2 
Captain Hall’s description of Napaking Harbour, the wreck lays a little — 
to the southward of Abbey Point, in the above place. If I am right, 4 

1840. ] Wreck of the Transport “ Indian Oak? 923 

and what the islanders state is correct, the longitude shown by the “ In- 
dian Oak’s” chronometer, must be twenty-five miles too far west. I 
have had no opportunity of getting a lunar as yet, but shall endeavour 
to do so by the first opportunity. 1 have also to add, that every cir- 
cumstance relating to Chusan and the fleet, has been kept a secret from 
the Islanders, fearing it might operate against us, as they are tributary 
to China, and now fitting out two junks for Amoy. I trust however 
we shall be relieved from our present painful situation before these or 
other vessels return. Mr. Field, the bearer, I hope leaves to-morrow. 
[ have the pleasure to state the dispatches and letters are saved, but 
more or less wet with sea-water. 

( Signed) J. J. R. B. 

we eee 

Note.—I lose no time in publishing the above interesting narrative. 
The natives of the Loochoo Islands seem to preserve unimpared the 
kindness of disposition, which distinguished them when Basil Hall visited 
that distant archipelago, although some greater degree of caution and 
strictness as respects intercourse with the interior, on the part of foreigners, 
seems now to obtain among them, than was the case when Englishmen 
first became intimately acquainted with them. Of Captain Beechey’s sub- 
sequent visit, there exists I believe no published account; and although Mr. 
radescant Lay, the naturalist, who accompanied that officer, has published 
a notice of the Bonin Islands, he has not included (I speak from memory) 
in his work any detailed mention of the Loochoooans. A narrative of the 
Russian Captain Creiisensturn’s voyage to Loochoo has I believe appeared 
on the continent, but I have never seen the book. The accidental sojourn 
of Captain Bowman and his party among these kindly islanders, is an 
occurrence of much interest; and it is to be hoped that no Englishman 
will ever abuse their hospitality, nor fail to requite it, when the occasion 
may offer of returning it in kind. py 


Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. By the late Capt. Enwarn Conoxty. 

The country of the Eusofzyes' is naturally, and by themselves, divided 
into the Sum, (a Pushtoo word signifying a plain) and the Kohistan or 
hilly districts, comprising the valleys of Chumla, Booneer, Swat, &c. and the 
physical characteristics of the two divisions are hardly more opposed to 
each other, than are the manners and condition of their respective in- 
habitants. The present memoir will treat chiefly of the Sum, with a few : 
exceptions (to be hereafter mentioned) ; the whole of this tract is peopled 
by that great branch of the Eusofzyes, called the Munder.? Scattered over a 
perfectly level plain, every where practicable for guns, in villages which 
mutual jealousy prevents them from fortifying even with walls, the Mun- — 
ders have always been exposed to the inroad of foreign invaders, and 
seem in consequence to have early sought the protection of, and willingly 
to have submitted to, some one chief of their own clan; though their peculiar 
democratic institutions prevented their acknowledging obedience to any 
minor authority, if we except that capricious and limited deference which 
custom has accorded to the petty Mulliks. The Mullikzyes, a powerful and 
numerous tribe, whose principal seat is Yar Hossein, the largest village in 
the Sum, are said formerly to have given a Khan to the Munders;? but 
the chieftainship has been in the family of Punjtar since the days of 
Aurungzebe, whose letters patent it still possesses. Though in the confusion — 
consequent on the dismemberment of the monarchy, several chiefs have _ 
risen to limited authority in the Sum, all of them acknowledge as their — 
rightful head—if they have ceased to pay obedience to the descendants of— ~ 
Bagho Khan, the founder of that family, and these alone possess the power — 
of life and death, the Beri Kheil (that of Bagho) being regarded with a 
respect hardly inferior to that paid by the Dauranees to their Sudozyes.4 

Futteh Khan, sixth in descent from Bagho, died a few days before I left ~ 

Peshawer. The high character he supported during a period of peculiar 

difficulty, and the light which his history throws on the present condition — 
of the Eusofzyes, require that a slight sketch of his career should be given. 
It was during the short, but brilliant reign of Syud Ahmed,> whose prin- 
cipal supporter he was, and to whom he may be said to have given the — 
crown, that Futteh Khan obtained his greatest power; not only the — 

Munders, but the Eusofs of Swat and Booneer seem to have acknowledged _ 
him as their head and leader at this period, but on the defeat and death 
of the Syud Badshah, the consequence of Futteh Khan became daily less 
and less. The Sikhs flushed with victory, poured large armies and large 
treasures into the plain, and by bribing some, and intimidating others, con- 
trived, if they could not get possession of the country, to weaken it by 
exciting jealousies and divisions among the petty tribes, and by substitu- 
ting numerous small lordships in the place of one common interest. The 

1840. | Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan, 925 

people of the hills, particularly those of Booneer, who had been the 
principal supporters of the Sum against its foreign enemies, disheartened 
by their losses at Noushera,* contented themselves with brooding over their 
disgrace, and rarely ventured to leave their fastnesses; and it seemed 
likely that, in spite of the difficulties opposed by the differences of their 
religions, the disunited Munders would shortly fall an easy prey to the 
victorious and one-minded Sikhs. One man alone prevented this. As his 
physical resources and apparent means of resistance grew less, the courage, 
the moral influence, and it may almost be said, the actual strength of 
Futteh Khan increased. Punjtar is a cluster of five small villages, not 
containing altogether 500 houses, situated at the upper extremity of a 
valley, which opensinto the Sum. It is a place of no strength whatever, 
not even being surrounded by a wall, and the road to it is open and prac- 
ticable for guns; but such was the terror inspired by the name of its chief, 
that for many years it remained the bugbear of the Sikhs, and their largest 
armies never ventured to approach it. At last a force of, itis said, 15,000 
men with guns, and under an European officer, ascended the valley. The in- 
habitants were amused with proposals for an accommodation, and during 
the night, guns having secretly been conveyed to the top of a hill which 
commands the place, an attack was made on the unfortified little villages. 
Of the few Punjtaris thus taken by surprize, the greater number hastened 
to place their families out of reach of the fury of the Sikhs; but all those 
not encumbered with wives and children, some 2 or 300 only, with Futteh 
Khan and the Moullas at their head, unappalled by the overpowering masses 
of the enemy, made a stand, and maintained an unequal fight for many 
hours. Futteh Khan himself swore not to retreat, and was at last carried 
off the field by force in the arms of his soldiers. The Sikhs destroyed the 
principal village and mosque, but retreated the next day, lest the Booneeris 
should be down upon them; nor have they since revisited Punjtar. Futteh 
Khan made a vow to pray in the open air till he had burned some house 
of images, and shortly afterwards with a few followers, in pursuance of his 
vow, he crossed the river, attacked a Sikh town, and levelled its Dhurmsalla 
with the ground. 

Ruujeit Singh was fully aware of the importance of conciliating an 
enemy so spirited and implacable. He offered Futteh Khan a jageer of 
three lacs, and to support him as Khan of all the Eusofzyes, if he would 
only nominally acknowledge himself his subject, by sending him a hawk 
or two, or a horse as a tribute. Most of the Khan’s friends, and even the 
-Moullas recommended not that he should degrade himself into a pensioner 
of the infidel, but that he should send a horse to the Maharaja as an 
exemption from the annoyances and anxieties to which the vicinity of the 
Sikh troops exposed them; but the Khan was inflexible : with his character, 

926 Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. [No. 105. 

he would have lost his power. ‘ Horses and hawks,’ he wrote back, “are 
to be found with rich nobles at the courts of kings; I a poor Zemindar 
have nothing of the kind, but I can send you a fat cow if you please.” 

Futteh Khan left several childern, but the three eldest (who are by one 
mother) alone claim notice. 

The first, Mokurrib Khan, the present chief, will be described in another 
place. He was on bad terms with his father, and for eight years before 
the death of the latter had lived apart from him. 

The second, Alum Khan, isa good looking, well disposed, intelligent lad, 
under twenty years of age, and was the favourite of his father, who, a little 
before his death, sounded his friends as to the possibility of setting aside 
in his favour the claims of Mokurrib Khan to the succession. He was 
checked by the honest bluntness of his Cazi, who exclaimed before them 
all, ‘‘ Death to your house !—would you murder both your children?” 

The history of the third son, Mudduh Khan, gives a curious picture of 
the state of society among the Eusofzyes. He is now about fourteen years 
old; at the age of eleven he drew his sword on his tutor, who had struck him, 
and ran away from his father’s house, to which he could never be induced 
to come back. He found refuge with Mokurrib Khan, who resided indepen- 
dent of Futteh Khan in a fort some eight miles from Punjtar, and having 
(in the manner related of Nadir Shah,) formed into a band several children 
of his own age, he carried on a sort of war with his father, plundering his 
sugar-canes, and otherwise annoying him. Futteh Khan would never allow 
the name of the boy to be pronounced in his presence. A few hours 
before his death, when he was distributing his property among his children, 
the Cazi ventured to remind him of Mudduh Khan: ‘ Who names that 
infidel?” said the dying man, “he is no child of mine.” 

Of the minor chiefs of the Sum, who deserve notice here, the principal ; 
is Arsilla Khan of Zaideb, who, having been on bad terms with his neigh- — 
bours of Punjtar, was in a manner forced to save himself from ruin by 
seeking the protection of the Sikhs, strengthened by whom, he is now the 
most powerful of the chiefs of the plain. The Komalzyes have two chiefs ; 
of influence, Khadir Khan of Gooroo Mejar, and Ahmed Khan of Hatti 
Murdan; of the latter, mention is made in the narrative. 

Mir Khan of Sudoom, known generally by the name of the Mir, j 
is the most powerful of the Amazyes. His experience, firmness, and — 
courage have gained him much respect, and enable him to rule with a ~ 
stricter hand than the Eusofzyes will in general submit to. The Muchehi ~ 
family (mentioned in the narrative) have however scarcely less influence — 
among the Amazyes. Besides these, there are a few chiefs, who will be 
mentioned in the sequel, who have lately been turned out of their posses- — 
sions by the Sikhs and Arsilla Khan. 

1840.] Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. 927 

It is easier to learn the general character of the chiefs above named, 
than to form a just conception of their power and resources. Mokurrib 
Khan’s influence, for example, may be said to extend over a great part 
of the Sum, but his actual authority is limited to about seventy villages, 
(in these the smaller ones called “‘ Bandas” are not included) from most, 
if not all of which he draws the “ Aoshr” or tithe, with this, and the 
produce of his lands (the return from which is however but trifling) the 
“‘ Jizeea,” or tax on the Hindoos, the tax on the fakeers (or villains) and 
now and then some plunder from the Sikhs, he is able to maintain an 
efficient body of 1,500, or perhaps 2,000 foot men; and 5,000 of his tribe 
will rally round him on emergency. To his soldiers he gives but three 
rupees a month; but living is very cheap in this frugal country, where 
flesh is rarely eaten, and a fowl is a luxury. Mokurrib Khan has but 
few horsemen; he was endeavouring to raise a corps when I left him. 
His father is said to have left about 30,000 rupees in cash, besides valu- 
able property in shawls, &c. the accumulated plunder of years. Arsilla 
Khan keeps up more horses than any other chief of the plain, but if the 
Sikhs left the country, he would sink into insignificance, and would be 
obliged to make terms with Mokurrib. Ahmed Khan and others are 
well inclined towards him, (for he is a liberal man, and bears a fair 
character) and would not permit him to be altogether crushed by the 
Punjtaris. | 

Of the military strength of the other chiefs, it is not worth speaking ; 
each of them keeps up from two to six hundred followers, horse and foot, 
chiefly the latter, and they have the power of raising their clans, and 
have much influence in the “ Jeergas,” or public meetings, which assemble, 
to discuss all the more important questions. 

The Eusofzyes, as before remarked, are not the only inhabitants of the 
Sum. Leaving for the present the original possessors of the country, who 
are now reduced to the condition of Helots; the other tribes are the 
Gudoons, the Khuttuks, the Baeezyes, and the Mamunzyes (the Maho- 
medzyes of Elphinstone); but these last may be considered as separate 
from the Sum, and will not be further mentioned here. 

The Gudoons, called also Gudans, and east of the Indus, Judoons, are a 
Kaukur tribe, who migrated into these parts, perhaps two centuries ago. 
They are divided into two great branches, Salar and Munsoor, of whom 
the first are settled to the east of Punjtar, and the rest in Drumtour. 
The Salars are said to have 64 villages, and to muster 6,000 matchlocks ; 
their government is a democracy, more rigid than that even of the Eusofzyes. 
I was nearly causing a quarrel at Grenduf, their chief town, by inadvertently 
asking who was their head Mullik. We were much struck by the appearance 
of wealth and comfort of their villages, which are large and populous, 

928  Notes.on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. [No. 105. 

and the Hindoos seemed to be more numerous and thriving amongst them, 
than in any part of the country we visited. 

The Khuttuks occupy the left bank of the Sundi,’ from below Noushera 
to Jehangiri. They have not more than fifteen or twenty villages ; and 
their position has forced them to pay obedience to the Sikhs. 

The Baeezyes, whose numbers I have heard rated at 12,000 fighting men, 
are also Khuttuks, but they have for a long time been a separate and dis- 
tinct tribe. Of their history I know nothing. They are always spoken 
the richest people in the country, and many of the Hindoos settled amongst 
them are said to possess great wealth. This is not improbable, as one 
of the principal roads from the north to Peshawar runs through their 
territory, and an active commerce is carried on, on either side of them, 
in salt, cloths, &c. . 

Like the Gudoons, the Baeezyes are governed by petty Mulliks, and 
have always preserved their independence against all foreign enemies. 
Of the population of the Sum, I can only form a guess of the probable 
amount, some data I had collected on the subject having been carried off 
by the Khyberees, but it may not perhaps be very inaccurately rated at 
one lac of fighting men. All the tribes above mentioned have the same 
manners and customs, and (including the Eusofs) may, without hesitation, 
be pronounced the best irregular soldiers in Afghanistan. Their cavalry, 
which are so few in number as scarcely to deserve notice, are from their 
mode of training and equipment rather Hindostanee than Afghan. The 
mass and strength of the Eusofzyes is infantry. Most of the soldiers, and — 
every man is a soldier, are armed with heavy matchlocks ; others have long ; 
spears, which they use with singular dexterity, either on horse or foot; 
a few are clothed in chain armour; and some use even bows and arrows ~ 
of formidable size. They generally avoid close fighting, though if forced — 
to it, they have the character of being excellent swordsmen. _ 

It is said, that they have some idea of opposing cavalry by forming into / 
close masses, or ‘‘ Goles,”’ with their spears extended ; but this I have never — 
seen, and am inclined to doubt. At whatever time of the day or night the © 
“ Nakara,” or drum is beat in a particular measure, every man able to bear 
arm ssnatches them up, and hurries, ready for action, to his particular — 
“ Hoojra,” or public meeting room, of which there are from eight to twenty — 
in every village; and from thence, in distinct parties, under separate flags, F 
they proceed to the scene of action, and despising the protection of walls, 
advance singly into the plain. <A total want of discipline and order now q 
distinguishes them. They have no head; each party, or “ Hoojra,”actsinde- 
pendently ; and even those under one flag, will not always obey one leader. | 

_ We have here the strength, and weakness of the Eusofzyes: their num- 
ber and alertness, their courage, sharpened by incessant fighting, and ex- 

1840.| Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. 929 

pertness in the use of their weapons, render them formidable to the irre- 
gular troops, but their peculiar mode of warfare incapacitates them 
from contending against a regular army. It is evident that a body 
of disciplined cavalry could, with the greatest facility, put to rout and 
cut up a herd of men scattered here and there over a level plain, 
totally ignorant of tactics, and without unanimity. We need no further 
proof of their incompetence to contend on the plain with even semi- 
disciplined troops, than is afforded us by the battle of Noushera, in which 
though stimulated to the utmost by religious enthusiasm, they were 
defeated by less than a third of their numbers. 

Of the Kohistan, my information, is, I must confess, very imperfect, 
and will be here limited to nearly a barren detail of names. 

The tribes of Booneer and the neighbouring hills, may be said to have 
no chiefs of any importance, the only individuals possessing influence 
being a family of Syuds, the descendant of Peer Baba, a celebrated saint, 
who lived in the time of the Emperor Humaioon. 

Of this family, there are three principal branches amongst the Eusofs. 
The representatives of the elder and most influential branch are, Syud Azim 
and Syud Meeah of Tukhtabund, the capital of Booneer, who may be 
compared to the Abbot Boniface and Subfriar Eustace of the novel; Syud 
Azim, the elder, a good-natured, indolent character, having willingly 
resigned his authority to his more active and talented brother. The 
second branch is Syud Akber Meeah, of Sitana on the Indus; and the 
third, Syud Russool of Chumla. 

Chumla, only separated from Booneer by a low range of hills, is near- 
ly in the power of the latter; however, unless when some popular ques- 
tion is agitated, it is able to maintain its independence. It is divided 
among three proprietors. A colony of Komalzyes occupy the west portion ; 
Noagee the chief town is the property of Syud Rusool ; and the rest belongs 
to Mahomed Khan, a relation of the Punjtar family, on which indeed he is 
in some degree dependent. 

The tribes of Swat differ from those of Booneer in paying more obedience 
to their Khans, and being less under the direction of their Syuds. Their 
most influential, religious character, is Mooreed Sahebzadeh of Oochoond, 
near Thanneh ; but the respect paid him is variable and unequal. 

In Upper Swat there are four principal chiefs. The most northerly is 
Pshuh Khan of Sundi, of whom I only know the name; next to him in 
position is Mudar Khan of Mingoweer, below whom are Kashun Khan, the 
son of Arsilla Khan of Bandeh (whose family were at one time of much 
consequence among the Eusofs) and Khadir Khan of Hodigram. 

Lower Swat has but two chiefs who deserve mention. One is Zydoollah 
Khan, who was originally in joint power with Passund Khan at Thanneh, 

930 Notes onthe Kusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. [No. 105. 

but the latter has lately been turned out and reduced to insignificance by 
his elder brother; the other chief is Khyroollah Khan of Alla Dund. He 
has only lately succeeded his cousin Euayutoollah Khan, who submitted to 
the Sikhs, and went to Lahore to pay his respects. The indignant tribe, 
deposed him in favour of his son, but the son has also been turned out by 

Of all the Eusofzyes, the most powerful is Ghazan Khan of Deer®, but he 
is perfectly aware of the delicate tenor on which he holds his authority, 
and in consequence is anxious to form connections: with any power which 
may strengthen him in his rule. He intrigues with this view with the 
Douranees and with the Sikhs, and he is fast friends with the Bajore chief, 
and with the rulers of Cashgar and Chitrane. But the two first he would 
willingly betray, and the last he plunders whenever he gets an opportunity. 

There is one chief who, though not an Eusofzye, yet from his position 
in the midst of, and intimate connection with, the Eusofzyes, and his sin- 
gular history and character, must not be omitted in a description of the 
Eusofzye country. 

Paieendah Khan, of Tanawul, is a Mogul of the Birlas tribe, the same 
from which the Ameer Timoor was descended. All record of the first 

settlement in Tanawul of his family is lost, and it has long ago broken off 

all connection with the other branches of the Birlas, which are still to be 
found in Turkestan. 

The Tanawulees, who from their dialect, a corrupt Hindoostani, seem 
to be of eastern origin, are divided into two “ tuppahs,” the principal of 
which is Pulal, the other Hindowal, and these two divisions are, or were, 
respectively governed by two branches of the Birlas family. 

Paieendah Khan is descended from the junior branch, the Khans of the 
Hindowal, who had little power till the time of Nawab Khan, (father of 
Paieendah) whose father having been killed by the chief of the Pulals, set 
himself up against them. Nawab Khan had the advantage of possessing the 
Douranee road, and enriched himself by a toll on all who travelled his way. 
The Douranees were constantly passing and repassing to and from Cashmeer, 
and their pride, as may well be conceived, could ill brook paying tribute to 
a petty tribe like the Tanawulees; much quarrelling and-heart burning was 
the consequence. The celebrated Noorjehan, more commonly known by the 

name of Adé, or the mother, the Baumizye mother of Futteh Khan vuzeer, 

was en route to Cashmeer, on a visit to Mahomed Azeem Khan, the governor. 
Toll was as usual demanded, not of her however or her party, who out of 
respect were to pass free, but of some people who followed her camp for 
protection. At this even the haughty lady took umbrage, and other causes 
of offence not being wanting, an army was sent under Jubar Khan to punish 
Nawab Khan. That chief had no option but to give himself up. He was re- 

' “ 
‘ j 
Re ee OS eh Se ee a (ar ee 


a. ee 

1840. | Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. 931 

ceived courteously, promises of favour and protection were showered on 
him, and he was requested to send for his family, when a maintenance 
and a place of residence would be fixed for them. 

This last request opened the eyes of the prisoner to the intentions of 
his captors; he pretended compliance, however, with their wishes, and re- 
quested only that “‘ Jam pans” (litters) might be sent with his son Paieendah 
Khan (then a lad, 17 years old) to bring the ladies. As the cortege was start- 
ing, Nawab Khan took his son aside, and whispered in his ear, “Take care 
of yourself, consider me as a dead man, and give me your prayers.” When 
the party reached the Tanawul territory, Paieendah Khan broke the fine 
“ Jam pans,” and stripping the servants of Azeem Khan, sent them back to 
their master with the message—“ My father is in your hands—do what 
you please with him; me, you will never get into your clutches again.” 

A heavy stone was tied to Nawab Khan, and he was thrown into the river. 
From this time, Paieendah Khan has been a sort of wild man, at war with 
all around him. Driven from his home, east of the Indus, by the Afghans, 
the Sikhs, and the Pulals, who had partially submitted to Runjeit Singh, 
and whose chief, Surbulund Khan, is now at Lahore, Paieendah Khan took 
possession of Am, on the right bank of the Indus, which originally belonged 
to the Pulals, and from thence, for twenty six years, has never ceased to 
carry on a series of depredations on the Sikhs and all who submitted to 
them. He boasts that he has four different times raised an army of Ghazis, 
who have all fallen martyrs in the cause. Of his first band only three men 
are alive, and they are literally one mass of wounds. Am is a small nook - 

of land, only a few hundred yards square, shut in between the deep and 
rapid Indus, and the lofty chain of the Mabeen'® hills, which close in 
upon it in a crescent. 

The only road to it from the south, is over a difficult path cut in the face 
of the rocks which over hang the river. This and a somewhat similar 
spot higher up, called Chutter bai (where his son resides), and a few villages 
on the left bank of the Indus, are all the lands of which Paieendah Khan 
can now boast. The aggregate return from them is said not to exceed two 
thousand rupees a year, but by his forays on the Sikhs, he is able to 
maintain 1,000 paid soldiers; and he is openly and secretly assisted by 
3,000 or 4,000 of the Tanawulees. 

He seizes Hindoos, from the wealthy of whom he extorts money ; some 
he forces to labour in chains; others he compels to become Mussulmans, and 
if they are refractory, he ties a stone round their necks, and flings them 
into the river;—no oaths or ties bind him. He takes money from a village 
as exemption from plunder one day, and plunders it the next. His own bro- 
ther even he has stripped of every thing. The Sikhs have numerous forts 

_on the opposite bank of the river; they dare not leave them; his very grass- 

932 Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. (No. 105. 

cutters insult them every day with impunity. One of these forts commands 
that in which Paeen Khan himself resides. I pointed this out to him; 
‘¢ Would you like to see me take it,”’ said he, “I will do so in half an hour.” 

In fact the Sikhs are only there by his sufferance; he derives a revenue 
from them; they paying, that their supplies may not be intercepted; as his 
band passes under their forts on a plundering expedition, the Sikh soldiers 
salute him from the walls, and wish him good luck. 

The Sikhs some years ago bought off his forays by a jageer; but his 
cruelty and exactions were such, that the whole country rose, and Runjeit 
Sing was obliged to send word to him that he would give him the amount 
of his jageer, but must resume the land itself. Paieendah only answered by 
levelling with the ground the nearest Sikh village, and retiring again to his 
fastness. Since Runjeit Singh’s death, Paieendah Khan has been more 
active than ever, and his excursions would certainly extend to the Jhelum, — 
but that his neighbour the Syud of Sitana is his enemy, and the Eusofzyes 4 
and Chogurzyes, who inhabit the hills above him, threaten his family, 
whenever he is known to have left them for more than a few days. 

Were there any revolution in the Punjab, to distract the attention of 
the Sikhs, I should not be surprized at hearing that he had ventured on 
Cashmeer. He is well acquainted with the road, which is not difficult, and 
the petty Mussulman chiefs between Tanawul and the valley, would = 
rather inclined to favour him, than to offer him any opposition. 

Having thus given a sketch of the principal political features of the — 
country I traversed, the narrative, to which I now proceed, will be more 
readily understood." 

Nots.—It will be seen from the conclusion of the above paper, that it 
was but the intended commencement of a series. My poor friend Conolly — 
sent it me with the heading “ Part I. Introductory,” his object being to fol- — 
low it up with a Narrative of his Journey in the Eusofzyes country, in 
January 1840. I was awaiting the completion of the papers to publish 3 
them in serial order, when I heard of his death. The information however — 
contained in this paper alone, is of itself not unimportant; andI therefore — 
give it publication as it stands. 

It is much to be regretted that we have lost the aid in Afghanistan of so _ ; 
intelligent an observer as the author of this short notice: the similar fate __ 

which befel Mr. Lord has deprived us of the result of that gentleman’s — 
intimate acquaintance with the character and habits of the Oosbeks, an 
unfinished narrative of his residence with Meer Morad Beg of Koondooz, — 
written for this Journal, having been found among his papers. Willno 
one consent to supply what they have left incomplete? ¥ 

Notes to Capt. Conolly’s Eusofzye tribes. 933 


Tammy) Jo poouyew Aq Weald 3734 & uaeq aavy oO} posoddns Woaq svy iI pue—, vuryzieg ,, Woy 
FF PALIOP SISUIIQ © “OSL 2g “sueI} s,A[fouoD { $9 ‘d sojou pue ‘gg aded ‘t y1eg sueySyy s,ui0g aes « 000} Yx0og ,, Jo uondnas0o ueipuy ue A[q 
-eqoid st 3] ‘uejstueysyy ut qseay 38 “Guasoid ye UMouY Atuoredde you ST YOIyM ‘pIOM sty} Jo UsAIS ueaq BABY SUOTJVALIAp [elsAag [e] 

‘Japunyr ‘jasn X (Jesax poweuins) “opunyy 
———_~,-——_— —~\~———_—— = 
| | 
‘jasn X ‘1eUgO ‘1uevay sar) ‘Tmaepoyang 
SSS ee eae rr ey — ee) 
( ‘weapoordy yy ‘a ‘t) (‘aeepoojtsayg ‘a -1) 
unqysieyy : ‘unqyyreys 
‘asnysinysy Tuyeq wie 

ee Ee a 
[e] ( ‘ueqind paweuins) ‘peoysny joopqy 
| (‘1007NA s,uowO0T0Og) 
“erm ergyleg 

————_~,- —~ 


ce HRLOC-NUIvaN,, Jo UoEIsUeN s.uI0q Wor peSueae st I $ aqra} ay} Jo uISt10 posoddns oy} urerdxe [TIM afqey, pourol 
“qns ayy, “saXzjosngq ay} Jo suotyerStm9 ey} Jo Ax0js1y Suryjsaraqut a4} parsayap ST WOIsed90 yUaLEYIp © OF —"| a70Ar 

(No. 105. 

Notes to Capt. Conolly’s Eusofzye tribes. 



(‘jatyo ‘ysad) ‘aedoy, 

jo ‘ueqy [Zey “yoko ‘orns “0100 
a ___——./-__—4 
‘yy ‘suey Tv  — ‘opng : - 
ee ee eee 
‘ueulyiO |  ‘aeuIsG 
Oly “y owepy OU WAN 
es es 
se ¥ peice Ea 
"JF OOpmsy 7, oouLe AL ‘INZny “7, jewoy ‘ghzuetly 
ae i ac) 
: eae) ‘osng 


*ArjyUNOD 9q} 

JO SUOISIATp Teor}t[od yuasead oy} S[qISI[[aIUI Sul1epuar UI [NJosn st “aA0] eorsojeoues 11043 Jo phoid are woYyM Jo Aueut 

‘soXzjosnyy a4} ULOAT 900A BATA payoaT[oo ‘otqey, Surmoyjoy oy, “(utoq Aq pojonb ‘qefuern yessefoyy) ..403 yosue'y 
qnoge poyengis , “YoeMUETT ,, POT[eo st ULISIOg Ul YOIYA ‘YeuUleg Ul sapiset UOIyEU JopuNyy ofoyM oy], ,,—"S ION 


‘Joyo yuesoid ‘1eyfung Jo 

‘Jaryo “ysad punopy Jo “yatyo ysad ‘Yaprez Jo 
‘ueyy loolly ‘ueyy, ple 

‘ueyy enqe yl ‘ueyy jyeisy 

‘ueyy punrng “ueyy Jey] 
eee 2 a oe) 


“ynaIsn NY 


‘Inulg ‘eqqy 

Notes to Capt. Conolly’s Eusofzye tribes. 



‘uey yy quan yoy 
‘Tey 4990 

‘ueqy SIV 

‘UeY yy 1epule jy 


‘aeqy NUYyey 

‘ueyy Usepooud7 

(‘sajou ‘9zq ased ‘usoqy) soXzyIyeyW 94} are SJUepUSISap ssoym ‘pomyY HIN 
jo 1oyyejpueis oy} ‘usepog fey, xIey suorjueut yorqm ce CeSURTL) JessefoyYy ,, oy} Aq pawayuoo st sty L—'? 970N 

‘Joryo uasaid -qng Ye[[ry jo 
‘ue y [Teulsy 

‘ueyy Jaqnyow "y uemeg 
(‘oqezsueiny | | 
jo ow) ‘uey yy a ‘oqAH 
M-‘Teq -yzepyy yy fpnyy "Y woog 
pe ae 
(‘s1eyj0 F pue) ‘uemIG ‘meq “yf “euny "MH IV 
Ge) A) 0 “MH pemyy aN >| ee: 




Notes to Capt. Conolly’s Eusofzye tribes. 


‘janbas aq] Ur ‘WAATS aq [ITM Goays @ ‘A1OysTY asSOUM JO—'G IZ0AT 

ay} ut seXzjosnq ay} Jo sivads Jo soe] oUlU ay} Jo JaIyo oy} sem oym) ‘nfeqy ueqy 
"Yeys s90yg Jo amy] ; 
‘ee Vy IV 
nnn pom 
‘ ‘pemyy JA ‘pomoye yl ‘eqyv. ‘rezk ‘pezyeq 
NOs < Bite phe hale Sa eS ee er 

‘yo ‘euey “ey. “opng 
; Cn nn, pent tl 
‘aeMyy ‘eqy ‘jeuley 
ee ee 

‘nuUre fy ‘imfny ‘IapIqy ‘muey 

‘sakZopng ay} Jo A[rurey JuaJaytp ev 0} paudisse st drysueqy of} yorAr Ul LopUNyA] Vos syuadsep Jo a[qey, SurMo][Oy 
aq} SOAIS TUeYsTy Maze ,, WJ, .,seXzopng ,, ayqey, oy) Aq woes aq []IM Se “OsTe ore [LOY Y We ea ],—'p 970N 

1840. | Notes to Capt. Conolly’s Eusofzye tribes. 937 

Note 6.—The Booneeries (or Booneer wal, as they are more generally called) were the 
principal sufferers at that battle. Blinded by religious fury, and an undue estimate of 
their own strength, their only desire was to cut off the retreat of the Sikhs. They are 
said to have fought rather like devils than men. Moullas, boys, and unveiled women, 
mingled promiscuously in the fight. For days before, the whole Sum had been a 
moving mass of men, hastening from the upper country to join in the great struggle 
which was to vindicate the honour of Islam. Each man Carried ten days’ provision. 
No correct estimate has ever been formed of the number of the ‘‘ Ghazis,’? which 
name, in anticipation of victory, they had assumed; the greater part only shared in 
the flight. Had they delayed one day more, they would have been joined by the Swat 
army, which never reached the field. But it was impossible to hold them back. The 
Booneeries, distinguished by their black turbans with a bright yellow border from the 
rest of the Eusofzyes, who are generally clothed in white, first rushed forward, and by 
thus precipitating the contest, lost the day their courage deserved to gain. But their 
reckless valour was of no avail. Their scanty stock of ammunition soon expended, 
they fought with arrows, spears, swords, stones; one man scrambled up behind the ele- 
phant of Phoolra Sing, the real leader of the Sikhs, and cut down that chief with his 
‘*silaweh,’’ or long knife. Repeatedly driven back by the steady fire of the Sikhs, 
they were as often rallied to the charge by the shrieks and curses of the women, and the 
‘Allah ho Akbars’’ of the maddened Moullas. At last, but not till they were decima- 
ted, and every house in Booneer had to mourn its martyr, they broke and fled, cutting 
through the Sikhs whom they had wished to intercept, and from that time, broken- 
hearted, they have scarcely ventured to leave their valley. After the battle, dead 
Booneeries were found lying on dead Sikhs, their teeth still clutching the throats of 
their adversaries. Though seventeen years have elapsed since the fatal day, so 
deeply do they still feel their loss, that when unusual merriment has by chance pre- 
vailed in a ‘‘ hoojra,’’ awhite-beard has been known to check them with—‘‘Is this a 
time for laughing, when the bones of your brothers are whitening Noushera?’’— 
Noushera is the common topic of conversation among the Eusofzyes, and the favourite 
theme of their songs. I was particularly struck with one which commenced, 

«* Ah Mahomed Azeem, where is the blood of our children you sold at Noushera?”’ 
Chorus, between every line, 

*“Wae! Wae! Wae!”’ [b] 

Note 7.—The Cabul river, between Peshawer, and the Aba sin, or Indus. 

Note 8.—Since this was written, Evayut Oollah has returned from the Punjab, and is 
struggling to regain his authority. Having money, which his rival has not, he has 
succeeded in bringing over half his tribe to his side, and a furious civil war is raging. 
This trip to Lahore has been most disastrous to him. It cost him not only his country, 
but his eye-sight ; a clumsy doctor at the Durbar having under pretence of couching, 
blinded him. 

Note 9.—The history of the father of this chief will be found in Elphinstone. 

Note 10.—In the name ‘‘ Mabun,”’ we have evidently a corruption of ‘* Mea Maha 
Bun,” or the great forest; a title sufficiently appropriate, on account of the pines 
which cover the mountain. 

Note 11.—Of the map which accompanies this memoir, all that can be said, is, that 
it is better than any one hitherto published of the same country; butour every motion 
was so watched and misconstrued that we could only take a bearing by stealth, and 
some important bearings were lost in the Khyber Pass. 

[b] I have taken some liberty with the chorus, which is really ‘‘ wee wee,” and which, however 
melancholy it may sound when chaunted in a low solemn tone by the Afghans, could only ap- 
pear ridiculous in English characters. It is the most usual chorus of the songs of the eastern Af- 
ghans. Mahomed Azeem it is well known (see Conolly and Burnes) shamefully deserted his friends 
at the battle of Noushera, 


Extract from Proceedings of the Numismatic Society of London, 1837-38. 

“A Lecture, by Mr. Williams, onthe mode of taking casts in sulphur, from coins, 
medals, and Oriental cylinders, illustrated experimentally. 

‘‘ The following is the process, as ingeniously described by Mr. Williams :— 

‘A number of slips of paper, about an inch in width, and of a length sufficient to go 
somewhat more than once round the coin, or medal, should be first prepared; and also 
a number of slips of card, not quite half the width of those of paper. The coin is then, 
to be oiled with a piece of cotton wool, dipped in sweet oil, and as much of the oil as 
possible wiped off with another piece of wool. The edge of the coin should next be 
placed about half way at one end of the slip of paper, and the paper rolled round it, a 
little stiff paste being previously put upon the opposite end of the slip. This will 
cause it to adhere firmly, and thus form a hoop round the coin, which will be suspend- 
ed about midway by the edge, and must be retained in that situation by means of one 
of the slips of card, bent round, and placed beneath it, within the hoop of paper. The 
object of this arrangement is to cause the opposite sides of the mould to be as nearly as 
possible of the same size. A little water is then to be poured into a cup, or other 
vessel, and a sufficient quantity of the finest plaster of Paris lightly sprinkled into the 
water, leaving sufficient of the latter to cover it. A slight effervescence will take 
place as soon as the bubbles have ceased rising. The superabundant water is then to 
be poured off, and the mixture stirred with aspoon. ‘The plaster is now ready for use. 
A thin coating of plaster is then to be laid on with a small brush, having moderately 
stiff hairs, over the face of the coin, and the mould filled up to the rim with the spoon. 
The use of the brush is to prevent bubbles from forming upon the surface of the coin, 
as these would entirely spoil the mould; and, in order to prevent the accumulation of 
bubbles in the plaster, which is afterwards poured in, it is advisable to raise the hoop 
with the coin and plaster in it, about an inch, and let it drop upon the table two or 
three times. This, of course, must be done immediately after the pouring in of the 
plaster. The whole is now to be left until the plaster is set, which will usually be in 
about twenty minutes. 

‘* When this is effected, the under side is to be turned up, the strip of card removed, 
and any plaster that may have found its way between the edge of the coin and hoop 
of paper cleared away. The operation of mixing and applying the plaster, must now be 
repeated; and in about half an hour the plaster will be sufficiently set to allow of the 
moulds being separated from the coin. The paper must be removed, and great care 

taken in pulling off the moulds; as, unless thev are taken off perfectly straight, they | 

will be injured, in consequence of some of the deeper parts being broken off by the 
twisting of the mould. Should the mould not yield readily, the bottom of it may be 
dipped into water, when it usually will very easily come off. Should this however fail, 

heating the bottom of the mould before the fire, after having wetted it, will frequently , 

have the desired effect. These precautions are necessary, as a gentle force being suf- 
ficient to remove the mould, some adhesion may be suspected where more than that ap- 
pears to be required, which the methods pointed out will usually remove. Any super- 
fluous plaster about the mould must be carefully removed, avoiding all injury to its 

‘* When these moulds are used for making a cast, the bottom must be placed in water 
so shallow as not to cover the face of the mould. They will imbibe a considerable 

a 7» 

1840. } Mode of taking casts from coins, &c. 939 

quantity, and when they appear to be uniformly damp, they are ready for use. They 
must now be evenly placed at the proper distance, and in their right position, with a 
strip of paper passing rather more than three parts round, and held firmly in the 
fingers, the marks on the mould, made by the end of the hoop of paper in which they 
were formed, being the guide for their right position. The sulphur having been melted 
in a proper vessel (theone used by Mr. Williams being a pastry-cook’s pattie-pan, 
with a handle, and a kind of spout made to it,) is now to be poured between the two 
sides of the mould, by means of the aperture left in consequence of the paper not com- 
ing completely round. As the sulphur cools, which is very soon, it shrinks; and the 
vacancy thus left must be immediately filled up,—this being repeated until the edge 
is perfectly solid. The moulds are to be removed with the same precautions as when 
they were taken from the coin, and the edge of the cast carefully pared, and then 
rendered smooth by being rubbed with a piece of fine sand-paper. Should they be 
required nearly of the colour of the sulphur, nothing further is requisite, except a 
slight polishing with a piece of cotton wool, or a soft brush. For his own casts, Mr. 
Williams has considered it advisable to use an artificial colour, which is given by 
applying black lead in powder to the casts, with a soft brush, and then covering them 
with a varnish composed of a solution of dragon’s blood in spirits of wine, which gives 
them a fine dark, bronze appearance. 

**Some precautions are necessary to be observed in using the sulphur. When 
melted, this substance is at first very fluid; as it gets hotter it becomes thick and ropey, 
and a still greater degree of heat renders it again comparatively fluid. It is, however, 
fit for casting in the first of these states only, and if employed in the other cases, 
usually either destroys the mould, or produces a bad cast. The best criterion is to 
observe when the sulphur begins to solidify round the edges of the vessel in which it 
has been melted ; it may then be used with safety. It also often happens that the first 
cast taken after the mould has been moistened is a bad one, in consequence of there 
being too much water upon its surface. A second cast taken immediately, without 
wetting the mould again, will usually be a good one; and not more than three should 
be taken without repeating the moistening ; for, should the mould be too dry, it cannot 
be separated from the sulphur without injury. It is also a good plan to place the 
wetted moulds upon blotting-paper, as it quickly absorbs the superfluous moisture ; 
but this requires some experience, as the mould often gets too dry to be used without 
subsequent wetting; and the other method is perhaps the safest for beginners, It is 
often necessary only to dip the fingers in water, and apply it to the back of the mould, 
to give it the necessary degree of dampness. These are matters, however, for which a 
little practice and experience are the best guides. 

‘In the casts made from moulds formed in this manner, it is obvious that the thick- 
ness depends upon the resembrance, or the fancy of the caster. Should the exact 
thickness be required, the following method of making the mould may be resorted 
to :— 

“ Here, the coin having been oiled, as in the former case, must be placed with the 
side which is least raised upon a flat surface, such as a piece of glass, or a slate, 
which has also been previously oiled. he plaster is applied to the upper surface of 
the coin with the brush, as before, and the whole is then to be covered with as much 
of the plaster as may be required. When set, this will separate from the surface upon 
which it has been placed, and exhibit the coin embedded in the mass. It must be 


940 Mode of taking casts from coins, &c. [No. 105. 

carefully cleared of the superfluous plaster, leaving a slightly shelving depression 
round the edge of the coin; and hollows must be made in the flat surface of the sur- 
rounding plaster with the point of a knife. This must now be covered with soap-suds, 
the coin being carefully retained in its place. The operation is now to be repeated 
upon this surface, as in the first instance, the liquid plaster being poured over the 
whole of the flat surface of the surrounding plaster. When set, the two parts of the 
mould will be easily separated, the soap preventing the surface from adhering; and, 
the coin being taken out, a channel must be cut to the outer edge of the mould, for 
the passage of the sulphur. When prepared by moistening, as in the former instance, 
and put together, the raised knobs corresponding with the small hollows made with the . 
point of the knife, will keep all steady; and, the sulphur being poured into the mould 
through the channel cut for it, a cast of the coin will be produced, exhibiting an exact 
facsimile of the original. 

‘‘From this process, it is not difficult to perceive how casts of small objects of 
different kinds may be taken; for example, moulds of the cylinders from Babylon or 
Persepolis. These require to be taken in at least three parts. Having oiled the 
cylinder, it is to be surrounded with a wide strip of paper, and the portion enclosed 
taken, say one-third. Having removed this, and carefully trimmed the edges, made 
hollow in the sides, as in the coin-mould, and soaped them, it is to be replacea upon the 
cylinder, and another portion taken, say another third, by hooping with paper, &c. 
as before. This after being separated from the first portion, trimmed, &c. as before, 
is once more, with the first portion, to be applied to the cylinder hooped with paper, and 
the third portion taken. When used for casting, after moistening and putting together, © 
a piece of doubled paper may be applied to one end, which may be kept in its place by © 
a finger placed beneath it, and the sulphur poured in at the other end, until the hollow : 
left by the contraction of the sulphur disappears. When cool, the mould is to be 
removed, and the cast trimmed, cleared of the marks of the junction of the mould, — 
and, if thought fit, black leaded and varnished, as in the case of the coins. | 

‘“Mr. Williams concluded with a few words respecting the purchase of plaster of — 
Paris. Of this article there are several qualities ; that procured at the oil-shops being f 
the commonest. That which is known by the name of Super is the only kind which i 
should be used for moulds; and it is not generally to be obtained except from the — 
actual manufacturers. The best he has met with is prepared by Grande and Sons, Bed- 
ford Street, Liquorpond Street; and sold at the rate of one shilling and sixpence per 
bag of fourteen pounds; or wholesale at seven shillings per cwt. A bag of seven 
pounds may, however, be procured. ry 


Nors.—I have extracted and published this, in the belief that the account ; 

of the process may be useful to coin collectors in this country. 


Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 

( Wednesday Evening, 13th January, 1841.) 

The Honorable H. T. Prinsep in the Chair. 

The following gentlemen were proposed as Members :— 

Capt. R. Firzceravp, of Engineers, by the Officiating Secretary, seconded by 

Lieut A. Brooms of Artillery. 

C. B. Trevor, Esq., C.S. by T. S. Torrens, Esq., seconded by the Officiating 


Rasa Kuan Benapoor, Khan of Gyah, by the Honorable H. T. Prinszp, 

seconded by the Officiating Secretary. 

The following gentlemen, have been elected Office-bearers for the current year— 

President : 
The Honorable Sir Epwarp Ryan, 

Vice-Presidents : 
The Honorable Sir J. P. GRanr, 
Sir H. Seton, 
——— H. T. PRInsEp, 
-——— W.W. Birp. 

Committee of Papers : 

Major W.N. Forsss, C. HurFnaGte, Esq., 

EK. Stiruine, Esq., Lieut. A. Broome, 

N. Watticu, Esq., M. D. Dr. J. J. HEeBERLIN, 

H. H. Spry, Esq., M. D. Baboo ProsoonocoMAR TAGORE. 

Professor W. B. O‘SHAUGHNESSY, 

Library and Museum. 

The following books were presented :-— 

Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia—England; vol. 10th, .. .. «2. «2 «2 o- 

Ditto ditto—Greece, vol. 7th, .. .. «. «oe of « 5 LOT 

Madras Journal of Literature and Science, No. 27 pe une, 1840. ee Ais 

Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, by Professor Jameson, No. 57 aot 
MEER Ch a 5. wf 2's) nie Pavel iia \i'eip, thie Bene) meth esos 

London, Edinburgh, and Dublin, Philosophical Migwing and Journal of 
Science, 3rd series, vol. 17th, No. 108, August, 1840. .. .. .. 

Joarna! des Savants, Juin, 1840, SON Beh a : eat Teen asd 

The Calcutta Monthly Journal, 3rd series, No. 71. “Geen 1840, eines 

Descriptive Catalogue of the Chinese Collection in Philadelphia, 1839, 8vo. 

Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 6th, pt. 3rd; New 
Peereme bate pis, | 1839) 3%) i vore (ine), we bee sles wiles /\ Sa), wer papel) tele 

Laws and Regulations of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, 
RPMs ens on. Sie. pe sluhie aie bap wale wie Uae 50 Maia ee 

Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. Ist. Nos. 7, 8, 9, 10, 
AAO! 7s hea ee Us hee Winsh: Weld gia. ede melimer | Get baty bie 

a en) 

942 Asiatic Society. [No. 105. 

Fransactions of the Geological Society,of London, 2nd series, vol 5th, pt. 
3rd, London, 1840/4to. a. ee ee <a 
Memoir of a Geological Map of England, by G. B. Giemeceeen London, 
1840, 2nd Edition, .. Be DEE Cate el Gia aan Ag 
Geological Map of England oti Wales, by G. B. Panleicaiipicl ond Edition, 
Agulhal Light Fund, .. .. . ee ap hieleh + satpas Spo, Seely isn eee 
Oriental Christian Spectator, vol. it, No. 10, 2nd series, October 1840, os 
Map shewing the Routes from Jubbulpore to Umurkuntuk, by P. A Reynolds, 
Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia—Taxidermy, .. .. «. «. 

eee ee OS 

se ee ee ee 

Archeologia, or Miscellaneous Tracts relating to Adige London, 1840, vol. 
AS tte 40.) Fes ae Leen ae ir ae he eee ee ARETE 
Report of the British Associ tlatir ie the retetantet of Science for 1839, 8vo. 
Wilson’s Translation of Vishnu Purana, a System of Hindu Mythology, Lon- 
don, 1840, 4to. (two copies.) .. «2 «. Riser. ae ata eet renee 
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and aeee) London, 


1839; No: 10, Sel ¢ pas Ate Oe - es ie 
Edinburgh New Philoaoplianl sara ioe Bvecee lone 1839 ae 

1840, Nos. 54 and 55, 8vo... .. .. A aioe 2 
Transactions of bia Medical ype Physical fhe of ‘Boneae 1840, ae 3. 

8vo. mie peetuets Pee Se ye te ia 1 
The Caleutta Monthly j ournal a RABE of ce ee Seeker 1840, 

Nos. 62 to G6:and 72, Bv0l..-\scis ves fee ae rin gels shee a 
Magazine of Natural History, New series, No. 38, ous 1840, ay os 
The Atheneum, London, 1839, pt. 144. oi ile IR ape orey 

- Annals of Natural History, or Magazine of meee pee aa Geology, Bi. 

August and September 1840, Nos. 33 and 34, .. .. .. Silat» 2a 
London and Edinburgh Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science, 3d. . 

series, July and September 1840, No. 106, vol. 16th, and Nos. 107 and 109, } 

Ol ANT tha, icc esi igria ae cesihealia cs RAPES 3 

Proceedings of the Gedo Society of Last; 1839 snl 1810, Nos. 66, aan Ny 
$d, and No. 65,.vol 4th, esis, bez : Sikes we 
Proceedings of the Numismatic Séciety), Noidoe: 1837-38. sese cose ... da 

History of British Birds, by W. Yarrel, London, 1840, pt. 20th. .. .. .. ig 
Figures of Indian Plants, or ‘‘Icones Plantarum Indie Orientalis,’’ by R. 5%) 
Wight, Madras, 1840, Nos. 17 to 21, (stitched together, ) 4to. rh 
Annales de Chimie etde Physique par MM. Gay, Lussac et AraGo, Table des, re: : 

Tomes 31, 4 60, Paris, 1840, BYO." F265 ee 
Journal des Savants, Mai et Juillet, 1840, Paris, .. .. .. a ae 20 
Korte Beschrijving van het Zuid-oostelijk Schiereiland van Celebes, &e. Door 

J. N. Vosmakr, 8vo. eee iM ae Oyo oo) 6 ee 
Gelehrte Anzeigen, No. 170, August 1839, (2 éopida):.: BP IS cab. = 2 > oe am 
Gelehrte Anzeigen Herausgegeben von Milgliedern der K. Barer. Aladeinte a | 

der Wissenschaften, Munchen, 1835 to 1839, 4to. os... ee es ee oe 9 
Uber die indischen Verwandtschaften im ASgyptischen, Von O. Frank... «. | Be 
Verhandelingen van het Bataviasche Genootshap, Batavia, 1838, vol. 17th, 

pis."3dto Sih, eS eee ee CLS A 
Ueber die iidligelien Verwandtschaften in Augyptischen, &c., Von O. FRANK. Ou | 

1840. | Asiatic Society. 943 

Ueber das Bild des Weltbaumeisters, Visvakarman, in einem der Felsentem- 1 
pel bey Illora in Indien. Von O. Frank. .. . bie aera te 
Molliiscorum species, &c. Resensuit, Dr. J. R. hoe Disvertatie Inaugu- 
ralis. Monachii, 1839, (presented by the author.) sroreauisra a et ct 
one raiaivadipika, (in Sanskyit.) so ee) oe aie wel lee ss ew ap we 
The Officiating Curator submitted his Report for the month of December, 1840, from 
which the following is an extract :— 

** Osteological Department.—We have here added two skeletons (Pelican and 
Flamingo), and we shall I hope soon be provided with almirahs for the smaller 

** Mammalogical Department.—Nothing new. 

‘* Ornithological Department.—A pair of Flamingoes, a Pelican, and a Pigeon have 
been added. ; 

‘“« Reptiles, Fishes &c.—Nothing new. 

** The total of additions to the Museum this month have been— 

“1. A bat Vespertilio (Murinus?) Presented by D. GLEGa, Esq.—preserved in 

«2. A Pigeon (Columba ?) Mr. F. M. Boucnrez—stuffed and mounted. 

*« 3. A small tortoise, (Emys?) Mr. Nicotas; skeleton—mounted. 

‘**4. Two Pelicans, (Pelicanus onocrotalus,)—purchased. 1 skeleton, 1 stuffed— 
both mounted. 

‘¢5. Three Flamingoes, Pheenicopteros (Indicus?) purchased. 1 stuffed,—1 skele- 
ton, mounted. 

“In conclusion, I beg to recommend to the Committee, that the printing of the nine 
‘‘ Catalogues, occupying the 4U pages of the book herewith sent, be commenced ; pre- 
‘‘ facing this series of our Museum books with an introduction, somewhat after the pro- 
‘posed one annexed, for correction to this report. We shall thus, as we are framing, 
** and placing collections, be proceeding with the Catalogues, and every series so ar- 
‘‘ranged is then available to the student; and is placed, as far as human care can ex- 
*¢ tend, beyond the risk of oblivion and loss.”’ 

The proposition contained in the Report was concurred in, the Honorable the Pre- 
sident, remarking on it — 

“The Report of our acting Curator shews great attention to the duties entrusted to 
him, and I quite approve of his proposal to print the Catalogue sent round with his 

The Officiating Curator reported that a considerable number of duplicate specimens, 
principally of Birds, &c. were available for transmission to Europe; and he moved, that 
as many specimens of great interest to naturalists might be collected, prepared, and 
sent to England at a small expense, it was worthy the attention of the Society whether 
such might not be prepared, and sent tothe Honorable the Court of Directors, as due 
to them, from the Society. 

The Officiating Curator was instructed to prepare the duplicate Ornithological Spe- 

944 Asiatic Society. [No. 105. 

cimens and Reptiles; as also the duplicates of Capt. Hurron’s Spiti Valley Geologi- 
cal collections, for transmission to the Honorable the Court of Directors, through the 

The Officiating Secretary read to the Meeting, the following note from Mr. John 
James MippLeton, who had undertaken to furnish notes on Major E. PotTiNGEr’s 

‘I have much pleasure in returning Major Potrincer’s Astrolabe, and your very 
valuable book.* It may be gratifying to you to know, that from the observations of 
Ulug Begh, I have without difficulty ascertained the forty-two stars, given on the face 
of the Astrolabe. 

‘¢T have not yet succeeded in getting the plates finished, but they will soon be so. [ 
have had them all done three times, and yetnot quite to my mind; the lithographers wid? 
think for themselves, instead of confining themselves to mere imitation of my drawings, 
and you may imagine the consequence. I send you the drawing of the back of the 
instrument, which is the best I have got ; yet it has some defects, on account of which 
_it must be redone. I expect them all to be completed in the course of a week how- 
ever; andas all the materials for my notes are ready, you may expect the whole soon.”’ 

Read a letter from Dr. OrHMAN Frank, Professor of the University of Munich, re- 
commending to the notice of the Society, Dr. Rorn, whose intention to visit India 
is to enrich his natural knowledge; and presenting to the Society the following Treatises 

of his own, viz.— 
J. On the image of Visvakarman. 
2. On the image of Hari-hara. 
3. On the relations of India to Egypt. 

Read a letter from M. C. Visscuer, Secretary to the Batavian Society of Arts and ~ 
Sciences, forwarding for presentation to the Socitey, the 3rd, 4th, Sth, 6th, 7th, and 8th 
parts of the 17th vol. of Dissertations, published by the Batavian Society, accompanied 
by a Chart and 15 Illustrations. 

Read the following paper on the Mythological connection between Artemis and Nana, 

by Dr. W. E. Carte, 6lst Regiment N. I. 

‘*On the Mythological connection between Artemis and Nana. 

“NANA NANA PAO. This deity has been identified as the Grecian Artemis, 
the Ceres or Diana of the Latins, but as the analogy is as yet incomplete, an endeavour 
will be made to establish it; with this view, each of the words (Artemis and Nana) will 
be considered separately as to their etymology, in the hope of arriving at some degree 
of certainty, on so difficult a subject. 

‘First then, as to APTEMIS. The commonly received etymology of this wordis; 

anp-TEuvw, the air cleaving, but as the Greek adjective agpoTouog exists, had 

* The tables of Ulugh Beg, with Latin translation. 

1840. | Asiatic Society. 945 

her name been derived from this source, it would have been written agooTpa, and not 
Aoreue, for this reason probably Donnegan, in his Lexicon, omits this derivation 
altogether, nor does he supply another. ‘The coin of the Emperor Commodus 
(see Brewster’s Edinburgh, Encyclopedia, Art. Numismatology, Fig. 7. Pl. 423.) 
gives a delineation of the Artemis of Ephesus, where her principal temple was situated. 
She is here represented in a cereal character, as the producer of food, in fact the words 
of Virgil— 

: Vos 6 clarissima mundi 

Lumina, labentum czlo qui ducitis annum, 

Liber et alma Ceres,’ 
prove, that the Moon and Ceres were one and the same ; further, to show the influ- 
ence the moon was supposed to possess over the vegetation process, the same author 
has— : 

‘ [psa dies atias alio dedit ordine Luna, 

Felices operum.’ 
and again 
‘Ipse Pater statuit quid menstrua Luna moneret,’ 

«‘ And Horace addresses her as—‘ Prosperam Frugum.’ 
‘*But to return to the coin; as before remarked, the Moon, under the name of 
Artemis, is represented on it in her cereal capacity ; the lower part of her body is im- 

mersed in the aoroOnkn or panarium, or receptacle for bread. She has many 
breasts, * betokening her fecund influence; her hands are expanded to denote libera- 

lity, and her head is surmounted by the Modius, or grain measure, and a harrow 
(possibly the symbol on the Nana coins) is attached to her by chains. All these 
are undoubtedly cereal diagnostics, and do not all assimilate with Artemis as de- 
rived from anp-TEuvw 4 but if the words Aproc food, bread, and tnt to send 
forth, produce, be taken, a compound word will be formed, which exactly coincides 
with her functions, Apreute, the producer of food; a parallel etymology is afforded 
in the word Av@euc¢ (from Av8oc) a plant remarkable for the profusion of its 
flowers.—The star on the coin is probably Arcturus, from its supposed influence in 
causing rain and storms, and the stags were assigned to draw her chariot. 

«9—-NANA—Nan, ws in the Persian language signifies bread ; and Nan-i- 

khur-chung Sin > Bs) the Moon; + khurchung taken as one word, means a tortoise, 
from the shell of which animal the Lyre was originally formed, but if divided into two 
separate words, viz. Khur-chung, the signification will in that case be ‘ Sovereign (of 
the) Lyre.’ Nan-i-khur-chung will therefore be ‘Nan, Sovereign of the Lyre.’ 
Here then is NAN in a cereal capacity, and also connected with the Lyre, which 
instrument frequently accompanied representations of Diana as sister of Apollo.—The 
name of the Latin goddess may therefore be Dea Nana, or Diana, instead of origina- 
ting from Dies-dianus, (an adjective which has no existence in the Latin, except in 

combination, ) as is commonly conjectured. 

* As these supposed breasts are without nipples, they may represent the cakes of bread men- 

tioned when treating of Nana, further on. 

$ Wilkins’ Richardson’s Dictionary word ihe 

946 Asiatic Society. -[No. 105. 

‘¢ To the above, it may be added, that on several of the Nana coins, the figure on the 
obverse bears a stalk and ear of corn in one hand, and what appears to be. one of 
maize in the other, while in front and under it, occur round symbols representing pro- 
bably cakes of bread. See J. A.S. vol. v. plate 3. figs. 2, 3, and 5, also plate 36 (same 
vol.) figs. 1, 2, 3, and 5. 

‘*In the Hindu Mythology, there is also a goddess named ‘Anna Purna Devi,’ 
(vide J. A. S. page 345, No. 54, for June 1836,) whose name is deduced from the 
Sanscrit words ‘an’ food or grain; and Purna (pronounced poorna) to fill or cause 
to abound, being synonymous with Artemis; this goddess is merely an alias of 
Luchmi, the Hindu Ceres. The similarity of Nan and An, is also obvious. 

‘‘ From what has been above brought forward, it will not perhaps be thought unrea- 
sonable toconclude, that Artemis, Nana Rao, and Anna Poorna Devi, were identical, as 
well in name as in office ; PAO being a Sanscrit word (meaning sovereign) and not 
being easily resolved by its adopters into a feminine termination, may account for its 
retaining the masculine one, 

Read a letter from Lieut. R. Picovu of Engineers, communicating through Col. D. 
Macteop an account of the Topes of Darounta, and Caves of Bahrabad, of which the 

following is a copy. 

‘¢ T have the pleasure, herewith, to forward two boxes and some coins taken from 
the Jullalabad Topes; the third box I had previously promised to Dr. Atkinson, to 
whom it is now made over; it was similar in shape to the box No. 1, but not quite 
solarge. LIregret that the small gold box, with its contents, has been stolen, as it was 
the greatest curiosity of all; but the precious metal excited the cupidity of my servants, 
who have made away with it. The marble slab is too heavy to send down by Dak, 
and I have not got it with me; indeed I am not sure that it has not been lost, but it is 
possible that it may have been left in my hut at Jullalabad. I also send youa rough 
sketch of the Bahrabad Caves, which will give an idea of the place; I am sorry I have 
not time to make a more elaborate drawing, but must forward it rough, just as it was 
sketched. Want of time must also plead my excuse for the bareness of the few remarks 
I have penned, but no doubt your talented Secretary will be able to draw up a paper 
on the subject, should he deem it worth while.” 

The boxes with their contents, coins, and a small piece of rock crystal perforated 

were shown to the Society, and Lieut. Picou’s paper upon his discoveries read to the | 

meeting. Lithographs of the boxes with Lieut. Picov’s paper will be, the Officiating 
Secretary informed the meeting, published in an early number of the Journal, in con- 
nection with a paper by Mr. Brrp on the Kanari Topes opened by him. 

For the presentations and contributions the thanks of the Society were accorded. 




Extracts from the Journal of an Expedition into the Naga Hills on the 
Assam Frontier. By Lieut. Graner, Assistant Political Agent, 
undertaken by order of Government in the beginning of 1840, (taken 
by permission from the records of the Political Secretariat under the 
Government of India. ) 

Leaving Nowgong, agreeably to instructions, on the 3rd of December 
1839, I proceeded to Dhoboka, which I reached on the 5th of the same 
month. The country to that point being well known, requires no fur- 
ther description. 

I left Dhoboka on the 6th of December, at about 7 a.M., and arrived 
at Oopur Jumonah, at about 11 o’clock. First crossing the Jumonah 
river about half a mile above the Dhoboka village, we entered Tularam 
Senaputtee’s boundary line. The route lay through a forest, called 
Rungaghora, from whence most of the villages on the banks of the Ju- 
monah procure their fuel. There has been an attempt at a clearance 
in the forest, but much difficulty is experienced by the Ryots, from the 
great number of wild animals which infest this part of the country ; viz. 
elephants, tigers, rhinoceroses, buffaloes, and hogs. The path the whole 
way is tolerably good. Oopur Jumonah is a hamlet of about twenty or 
thirty houses, scattered along the banks of the Jumonah river ; it is fast 
decreasing in number, in consequence of the people having suffered 
much from the destruction of their crops by the wild animals in the 
neighbourhood. é 

7th December.—Marching at about 7 a.m., I reached the Cacharee 
village of Nermolea, the distance being about ten miles. One hour’s 

No. 106. New Serizs, No. 22. 6 E 

948 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [No. 106. 

marching brought us to the Ha,our Ghaut, which we crossed to the 
Cacharee village of the same name in the Nowgong district. The Jumo- 
nah river is navigable for small boats at all seasons of the year 
to this village. The crops between Ha,our and Nermolea had suffered 
much from the high rise of the river Jumonah, which overflows its 
banks nearly the whole length of its course. 

8th.—Departing from Nermolea, and passing considerable cotton 
tracts, we reached the village of Bokolea, four miles distant, where I 
found some of the lime burnt by Mr. Martin for Government, in store. 
The country along the banks of the river between this village and 
Ramsa (a small village six miles west of Mohong) is uninhabited, and 
is composed of large grass wastes with patches of forest at intervals ; 
the greater part of the low lands below the falls of the river, are liable 
to inundation. Passing through Bokolea, we continued on till we came 
to the huts erected for us, on the Tutra river, a small stream, which 
issues from the Mikeer Hills. To this point most of the Kyahs and 
other traders trafficing in cotton come in the cold season; there is 
high ground about it for a Haut (or fair), and there is a Mikeer village 
two miles inland. A short way above is the Oogeroo Chokey, establish- 
ed by Tularam, who exacts a toll from all his Ryots who frequent the 
Tutra mart. 

9th.—Leaving the Tutra encampment, and passing through forest 
and grass jungle, we came to some low, undulating, grassy hills, from 
whence a tolerable view of the surrounding country is obtained, which 
became more overspread with hills, chequered by the ancient cotton 
cultivations of the Mikeers. These migratory agriculturists seldom 
remain longer than two years in one locality, and only very fine land 
induces them to determine on a three years’ residence; by which time a 
deep rooted grass springs up, which drives them to fell more forest for 
their staple crop, not being able to use the ploughshare to eradicate 
the roots, on account of the nature of the ground. Passing over these 
hills, we gradually came on the rumbling of the cataracts, which in- 
creased, as we approached, into a stunning din; the river at this part 
is confined by low hills on both sides, and the quantity of water that 
rushes over the falls in the rainy season, must be very considerable ; the 
height I was shown as that of the ordinary rise, cannot be less than 
100 or 150 feet. Two paths lead over the hills on either side, and all 

1840. | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hillis. 949 

cotton boats are obliged to be unladen at this point, and a change of 
boats takes place. Above the fall, on the right bank of the river, is a 
stratum of chalk. Proceeding by the path on the right side of the 
river, we came to a small rivulet at the base of the hill, in the bed of 
which, I was shown the stratum of coal that had been excavated. I 
was informed by Lieut. Brodie that it lay to the right of the path, and 
was comprised in a space of about fifteen or twenty feet long, up to 
the junction of the streamlet with the river Jumonah. The water is 
about two or three inches deep, and the coal bed is visible six or eight 
inches above the surface of the water; the superficial part of the 
seam is composed of a soft black substance, which on being cut 
away produced shale, or black slate, and further excavations showed 
servicable coal. Above the coal formation lies a thin stratum of 
red sandstone’, above this is a greyish soil, two feet deep, the surface 
of which produces the forest and underwood usually found in the 
vicinity of hills in Assam. The bed of the rivulet is about six or 
seven feet broad, by four or five deep; on either side of the coal- 
bed I found chalk. The only difficulty in working this seam would 
be the rise of the streamlet in the rains, and the expense that it would 
take to carry the coals to below the falls. The former difficulty might 
however be removed by leaving a wall of the coal itself, and opening 
the vein a few yards inland. A short way further on are two more 
rivulets, in both of which I found chalk rocks; one description con- 
tained small globular, dark grey substances, resembling decayed peb- 
bles. The distance from this locality to Ramsa is about one mile. 
The rock from which the lime was cut for Government, is situated in 
a small river below the falls called Mayong Deesa, in Tularam 
Senaputtee’s country. The coal found by Ram Doss Mohurer is a 
short way from Ramsa (half an hour’s march) in a N.W. direction ; 
it is in a small streamlet called Bongrong, which is almost dry in the 
cold weather. 

10¢h.—Left Ramsa, and marched through fine open forest ; three miles 
distant crossed the Jumonah into Tularam’s country ; one mile further 
on recrossed it, and in half a mile reached Mohong. 

11th.—The Nagas of the village of Gafaga came in, and gave me the 
following account of themselves:—They formerly belonged tothe tribe of 
Nagas called by them Chokannew, and by the Cacharees Dewansa, living 

950 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. | No. 106. 

south of the Sumoogoding range, and on account of the frequent quarrels 
and oppression they had been subjected to from their own tribe, they had 
been obliged to emigrate: they first took possession of the high hills on 
which the present village of Tokopbe is situated, but even there, not 
being free from the attacks of their persecutors, they again fled to the 
lower hills upon which they are now. The following is the information 
I have been able to pick up regarding the wild tribes here about. The 
villagers of Gafaga, Mezattee, Badolasong, Kola, Muzals, Tooroofen 
and Gesinga, are all of one tribe, and have separated into a number of 
villages in consequence of quarrels amongst themselves; not acknow- 
ledging any regular chiefs, and every man being his own master, 
his passions and inclinations are ruled by his share of brute force, his 
dexterity with the spear, to which arm they have immediate resort for 
the adjustment of the slightest quarrel, and in consequence, villages are 
continually at feud. In addition to this, the Tokophen Nagas, who are of 
a different tribe, and speak another dialect, in league with the Nagas 
about the Sumoogoding range, pay them occasional maurauding visits, 
and take advantage of their flight on their appearing, to pillage 
their villages. The Nagas of the village of Gesinga, or as it is called by 
some Rengma, are at feud with those Nagas on the eastern bank of 
the Dhunsiri, in the Jorhat division, called by the Assamese, Lotah. 
The former village is under charge of an half Assamese and half Naga, 
Gesinga Phokun, who exercises some rule over the village. The 
latter tribe, from the different accounts I have heard of them, ap- 
pear to be of a more civilized character than the Nagas on the west 
bank of the Dhunsiri, having regular chiefs, whose orders they re- 
gard, and trading largely with the Assamese at Cacharee haut. The 
Tokophen Nagas came in, and declared that they had no evil inclinations 
towards the Majuttee and Gafaga Nagas, but that they had heard 
that the Dewansas intended making an excursion against themat the full 
of the moon. I gave them clearly to understand, that if they persisted in 
their present mode of life, and would not leave off their maurauding 
habits, they would be punished severely, and not allowed to remain 
in their present locality; and nothing more of the intended excur- 
sion was heard. It is a common practice with Nagas, when they are 
going to make an excursion against a village, to set reports afloat that 
other villages or tribes intend an excursion against the same village, 

1840. | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 951 

‘which blinds the villagers of the place attacked as to who the real 

- assailants are, as their excursions are generally performed at night. 
The Nagas here about procure their brass ornaments from the village 
of Gesinga, and their spears and daws from the Dewansa or Chokannew 
Nagas. Their villages are of inconsiderable size, and they have but 
few domestic animals ; some cows of the hill breed, pigs, and fowls, for 
the purpose of sacrificing to their gods. 

They acknowledge the power of three gods, viz. 

ls¢. Zanghuthee, or Janthee, the most powerful, to whom they 
sacrifice cows, bullocks, or bulls. His power prevails in all serious 
illnesses, and can kill or cure. 

2nd. Hyeong, to whom they sacrifice fowls only, his power is of 
slighter extent. 

3rd. Dherengana, to whom they offer hogs. | 

The two latter are the tutelar gods of the village of Gafaga, each 
village having different ones; some of them think it necessary to sac- 
rifice at one time, for any great worship, a cow, or bullock, a hog, and 
a chicken a few hours old; the former are eaten, but the latter is thrown 
away. Zanghuthee is acknowledged by all of them. Goats are not 
allowed as offerings. The physiognomy of the Nagas about here 
partakes a good deal of that of the Cacharee, in consequence of the 
admixture of the two tribes. I saw some Assamese who had been kid- 
napped when young, and who had become so accustomed to the idle, 
uncouth life of the Nagas, that they refused to leave them. 

Matrimony amongst these Nagas is a eivil contract, unattended by 
any religious ceremonies. The damsel is courted, and is presented with 
fowls, dogs, and spirits, according to the fortune of the lover, and after 
her consent and that of her parents (for they have the right of refusing) 
is obtained, the accepted lover gives a feast to all her relatives. A day 
being appointed for the union to take place, the whole of the villagers 
are feasted; they in return are obliged to present the new married 
couple with a new house in the village. Any breach of marriage vows 
is punished by a fine of a cow or hog, by the counsel assembled for 

, trial of the culprits. One of the most singular customs is, that after 
the birth of the first child, the parents and relatives of the new married 
couple are prohibited from touching any other villagers, or any other 
villagers from touching them, for two or three days ; should a villager 

952 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [ No. 106. 

infringe the rule, he is obliged to remain two or three days in the house 
of the parents and not to mix in society; but if the relatives of the 
party are in fault, they are punished by a fine of a feast. 

On the occurrence of a death, they howl their lamentations, feast, and 
bury the corpse, placing the deceased’s spear in the grave, and his shield, 
and a few small sticks like forks, with some eggs and gram, on the grave, 
as an Offering to ensure them good crops. I could get no reasons from 
them why their doing so would ensure them fertility of the soil. 

They are not very martial at present, having been generally the party 
attacked and subdued by the other Nagas. They have very little trade, 
and not much inclination that way, being too fond of idleness to exert 
themselves for their own improvement ; they cultivate small quantities of 
cotton, and exchange it for salt. Many of them have taken refuge 
in the Mikeer villages, and may in time adopt the industrious habits 
of those cultivators, but their unruly, independent inclinations would be 
a great obstacle to any attempt at improving them. Mohong Dejira 
now consists of about 50 or 60 houses; in former days it enumerated 
about 300. The emigrants have formed the villages of Bokolea and 
Nerondlea, and many are gone to Dhurumpore. The cause of their 
flight, it is stated, was owing to some Nagas a few years ago having 
killed two of their tribe; that may be partly the reason, but the itine- 
rant character of the Cacharee, may have influenced them greatly. 
The Cacharees here, till within two years past, have been obliged to 
pay tribute to the Nagas of Sumoogoding, to preserve peace. The tri- 
bute consisted of a cow or bullock, and one maund of salt per annum. 

The lands about here are of the finest description, some yielding very 
rich crops of grain, and can be irrigated at pleasure by a small rivulet 
which issues from the hills to the N., but the indolent disposition of the 
villagers (who are an admixture of Assamese and Cacharees) prevents 
their taking advantage of the fertility of the soil, large sheets of which 
remain uncultivated, which were formerly well cropped; but since the 
reduction of the village, and their union with the Assamese they have 
become great opium-eaters, and merely cultivate sufficient rice, &c. to 
afford them the means of subsistence. Some traders extend their traffic, 
up to this village, and procure a tolerable supply of cotton from the 
Dhejuah Cacharees. There are few Indian products that could not be 
reared on the low lands around this part of the country, and the presence 

1840.] Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 958 

of lime, coal, arid chalk about the vales, might prove of the utmost use 
to any manufacture or plantation which might be established, as the 
country becomes known and settled. Regarding the climate, I cannot 
say much from experience ; but the diseases both amongst cattle and 
men, which have proved so fatal to those attacked by them in the nor- 
thern parts of the Nowgong division, have not been known here, and 
this may allow one to conclude, that this part of the country is more 
salubrious than other parts. 

No grain having arrived till the 13th, I was unable to move forward; 
when thirteen maunds having accumulated, I proceeded with half of the 
Shan Detachment (leaving the remainder to follow when more grain 

‘came up, as I expected its arrival every moment) to Dhemapore Nugger 

to which place I had requested Tularam Rajah to cut a road, having heard 
of the existence of the ruins of an old Cacharee fort on the Dhunsiri 
on my return last year, which nobody (with exception perhaps of one or 
two very old Cacharees belonging to Tularam) had seen. Crossing the 
Jumonah a mile or two distant from Mohong, we reached the Dhealow 
river, on which sheds had been erected for us, and were obliged to 
encamp, as I was told the second sheds were too far for us to reach 
that day, having started late, from the non-arrival of the coolies. The 
Dhealow is about ten or fifteen yards broad, and like most hill streams, 
shallow. The path was excellent, over a slightly undulating country; we 
passed a few clearances which had been deserted several years back, on 
account of the Naga feuds ; the distance to this is about six miles; the ap- 
pearance of the country wavy, with small rich alluvial plains at intervals. 

14th.—Passed through the same description of country as yesterday, 
and was obliged to encamp at the second sheds, eight miles distant, on 
the Pikrong Deesa, the distance including our present march from 
this to Dhemapore, being too great for the coolies. 

15¢h.—Passing over a small plain and some wavy ground, we found 
the path excellent till we reached the Looree, a small river, in the 
bed of which our route lay for three or four miles to within a league of 
Dhemapore; when we left it, and got upon some high country, which 
led us to the fine bund road skirting the walls of the ancient city. 
I was very much astonished to find so fine an old place, totally lost 
sight of by the Cacharees themselves, an oral tradition of which was 
merely in existence ; but they attribute it to the fear they have always felt 

954 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [No. 106. 

of going into these forests, which since the desertion of the place, have 
been overrun by wild beasts, and frequented only by plundering Nagas. 

The remains of Dhemapore Nugger consist of some pillars of 
various patterns, a gateway, the ruined tower, or palace wall, and 
a small fort to the north, besides tanks both within and without the 
walls. The fortification is surrounded on three sides by a dry ditch, of 
about thirty feet broad, a bund, or camp, and a second ditch. The 
gateway is in a tolerable state of preservation, but the inner passage, 
or guard room, has given way, and lies a heap of ruins, on which 
the Nagaser and other trees grow. The pillars are in three parallel 
rows, two of which are of a circular form, and one square; there are ten 
in each row of the former, and twenty in the single row of the latter ; 
many of them have been split asunder by trees falling on them, 
and shrubs growing from out of them ; in one spot a large banian tree 
has entwined its roots over a fallen one; some of them have been 
worn smooth by the wild animals (elephants, rhinoceroses, hogs, &c.) 
rubbing themselves against them. One of the pillars appears as if 
it had been an instrument for the punishment of criminals. It resem- 
bles two long square pillars joined at the base, and gradually increasing 
in distance from each other, from two inches at the bottom, to several 
feet at the top. The form of the town, or palace enclosure, is an oblong 
square, lengthways facing the river, which is about 200 yards off. It was 
built by Chokradoz, 4th Rajah of Cachar,* but long subsequent to the erec- 

1 Oodi Bhim ; the founder of the House ; 
his son, 
2 Kartrick Chundro; 
his son, 
3 Beerdurpo; 
his son, 
4 Chokradoz ; 
his son, 
3 Manik Chundro ; 
his son, 
6 Phalgoo Durpo ; 
his son, 
7 Hurrick Chundro ; 
his son, 
8 Narionee Chundro ; 
. his son, 
9 Madub Chundro ; 
his son, 

1840. | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 955 

tion of Ghergong in the Jorhat district, the first residence of the Cachar 
Rajahs. It is stated that after being driven from Ghergong by the 

10 Oodok Narion ; 

his son, 
Tl Indra Bol; 
his son, Nychinggra, 
12 Moyurut Doz: his brother, his son, 
his son, Krete Chundro, 

13 Gooroorod Doz ; 
his brother, 
14 Ordoa Detee ; 
his brother, 
15 Mokorod Doz; 
~ his brother, 
16 Tamruz Doz; 

his son, 
17 Sooroo Durpo ; 
End of regular line 
18 Krete Chundro ; 
his son, 
19 Ram Chundro ; Hurree Chundro being an 
his brother, infant at the death of his fa- 
20 Lukee Chundro ; ther, Ram Chundro, his uncle, 
his nephew, assumed the royal power. 
21 Huree Chundro ; 
his son, 

22 Kishen Chundro ; 
his brother, 
23 Goovin Chundra, murdered in 1830. 
Tularam claims descent from Soroodurpo, the 17th Raja of Cachar, thus 
Soroodurpo—his brother—Ghumber Sing. 

Hada, Dow, 
; Racha Dow, Moodooram,  Anundro Ram, 
oO “ 
Kishen Churun, Doorga Ram, Seeb Ram, Govin Ram, 
a eres 
Tula Ram, Joy Ram, 
Runget Ram, 
aa or) 
Nohal Ram, Bundoo Ram, 

Notr.—Lieut. Grange does not inform us whence he derives his list of the Cachar Rajas. His 
description of their ancient abode will not fail to interest the readers of the J ournal. It is curious 
to note this instance of singular change in the political and social condition of the Naga country, in 
connecticn with the discoveries lately made of the former existence of civilization in tracts now 
among the wildest in India. It is only thus that the difficulties which beset the antiquary and the 
historian in this country, can be appreciated. The materials are now in course of slow accumula~ 
tion, which will assist some future Gibbon in giving such a history of India, as must, | fear, 
remain for years a desideratum in literature. ae 


956 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [ No. 106. 

Assamese, Chokradoz settled on the Dhunsiri river, and built Dhemapore, 
but hearing of the approach of a famous Hindoostanee warrior, called 
Kala Par, who had been converted from the Brahmin easte to the 
Mahomedan faith, and had become a great destroyer of Hindoo ~ 
images, he fled with the image of the tutelar god of the house 
of Cachar to Myhong, in the hills, where he built a fort. Kala Par 
not finding his foe, pillaged the place, and withdrew to his country. 
On his retirement the Ahoms,* or Assamese, came to take posses- 
sion of Dhemapore, but Chokrodaz not fearing his new enemy came 
down from his retreat in the hills, and meeting an Ahom Phokun, 
inquired of him the reason of the Ahomean invasion, to which the Pho- 
kun replied, that they had merely come to look at the country, and that 
the army had withdrawn, which answer satisfied the Raja; when how- . 
ever, in fancied security he and his people laid aside their arms and 
proceeded to encamp and cook, they were attacked by the Assamese 
who had been laying in ambush, and not being ready to receive 
their treacherous foe, were put to immediate flight. The Rajah, 
with the remainder of his men, succeeded in effecting his escape 
to Myhong, where he remained, and Dhemapore was deserted. He 
died at Myhong, as did several of his successors, and the court 
was afterwards removed to Kaspore in the plains. The country round 
Dhemapore has all the appearance of having been at a prior period 
well populated. On the right bank of the river are three large 
tanks, two of which were excavated by the Rajah and Ranee; they 
are twenty cubits deep, and with the exception of a break in one 
or two places in their banks, are quite perfect, and hardly a 
weed is to be seen on their surfaces; they abound with fish. The 
banks are heavily wooded, and I found several kinds of citron 
growing on them. The wild elephants and rhinoceroses had taken up 
their abode upon them, and use the tanks as their baths. The whole 
country in the vicinity is covered with forest, containing very fine 
timber of the following descriptions—Cham,! Tetachapa,? Ghunsiri,? 
Rata, Toon,‘ Awal,°® Hullok,’ and Nagaser.’ I am informed by Tularam 

* Rather the conquerors of the Assamese (vide Asiatic Society’s Journal No. 104) 

these warriors devastated Assam simultaneously with the Musselmans. (oy 

1 Artocarpus Chaplasha ? 2 Laurus? 3 Laurus Sassafras? 4 Cedrela Toona. 7 Mesua 
No, 3 is I believe a species of Camphora.—{N. W.] 

1840, | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 957 

and others, that the Nagas west of the Doyang river derive their origin 
from an union of the Cacharee and Naga tribes, and that in former days 
the Nagas were far away beyond the Doyang river. The Nagas them- 
selves acknowledge an origin from the Cacharee tribe, and on that ac- 
count they used not to decapitate the Cacharee prisoners they made, 
to obtain ransom (?) which they invariably did with the Nagas that 
fell into their hands. Their unusual custom of not acknowledging any 
regular chief amongst themselves, tends greatly to confirm that 
statement, as the Lotah, Nimsang, and other Nagas on the east of the 
Doyang river, I am informed, have regular chiefs, besides a chief over 
a number of villages. The scantiness of the present Cacharee popula- 
tion may therefore be accounted for by their having been partly 
absorbed in the surrounding tribes, and their emigrations to all 
parts of Assam. 

The Cacharees attribute the desolation of their country to. (what 
they call) their innocence and simplicity of character, and the superior 
cunning of the Ahoms, of whose magic powers they have many tradi- 
tional stories ; certain it is, that Dhemapore must have been the seat 
of a considerable population in former days. 

The appearance of the lands about, are of the richest description, 
and they have been much extolled by all persons who have seen them. 
The country is high, and not liable to be inundated by any rise of the 
river, with undulations and small hillocke at different places ; there are 
a few marshes and low lands on the banks of the river, which are very 
rich, and well adapted to low land crops ; but the products most likely 
to be suited to the higher growers, are tea, coffee, sugar, tobacco, 
cotton, wheat, &c., and all kinds of vegetables. There are a great 
number of animals of all descriptions about Dhemapore, and those 
that came under my observation, were the elephant, rhinoceros, tiger, 
buffalo, hog, and deer; there is also a great number of birds of many 
varieties of plumage, and several kinds of lizards. 

There is a Mora Dhunsiri a short way to the south-east, along which 
we discovered by the cut twigs a wild animal’s track, used by the 
Nagas, leading from Sumboogoding towards Tokophen, by which it is 
evident that they have hitherto been in the habit of communicating 
with that village, and no doubt have been one of the parties engaged 
in annoying the Rengma Nagas. The latter complain both of the 

958 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [No. 106. 

Lotahs and Dewansas, but more particularly of the former, whom they — 
call Chokannew, and the latter Choquennew. The Dhunsiri river con- 
tains gold of a dark colour. I succeeded in procuring a few grains, 
through means of agold-washer I took up with me, but the quantity 
procured held out but little inducement for him to continue washing 
on his own account. The depth of the river was not sufficient in the 
cold season to admit of canoes reaching Dhemapore, though no doubt 
they can do so at other seasons of the year. The breadth of the river 
within its banks up there is 160 feet. There are many deep holes in 
different parts of it, which contain many descriptions of very fine fish, 
and the Cacharees kill great numbers of them with a poisoning creeper 
they call “‘ Deo Bih,” which they bruise and wash in the waters. 

Having received intimation that no grain had arrived at Mohong 
since my leaving it, and the quantity I had brought on with me 
not being sufficient to authorize my moving forward (only a day’s 
grain being in camp), I returned to Mohong to urge on the large 
quantity which had been despatched from Raha in November, but 
which from unforeseen difficulties had been detained at Sil Dhurmpore. 
I reached Mohong in two days, and returned to Dhemapore on the 17th, 
and grain arriving on the 19th, I was enabled to start from Dhemapore 
on the 21st, but not having a sufficient number of coolies to take 
the whole of the party on, I was obliged to leave the Assam Militia 
which had arrived from Jorhat behind, to follow me up when I sent 
back the coolies for them. The distance from Dhemapore to Su- 
moogoding I should say, in a straight line, would be about fifteen 
miles, but by the route I followed, not less than twenty-two or twenty- 
four miles, which I accomplished in 22 days, 

Having built a stockade independent of the villagers, and part of 
the Jorhat Militia having arrived under their Subadar, I left them in 
post here to guard any grain that might come up, and quitting Sumoo- 
goding on the 2nd February, reached Razapamah or Jykamee that day, — 
the distance being but six miles. We did not pursue the route followed 
by Captains Jenkins and Pemberton, but descended to the southern foot 
of the Sumoogoding ridge, and went along the stony bed of the Desem 
Unurue, or Kooki river, till we reached the eastern base of the low ridge 
on which Razapamah or Jykamee is situated. As we reached the village 
which stood about a quarter ofa mile from the river Keruhee, an influen- 

1840. | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 959 

tial chief came down with all his war accoutrements on ; upon my inquir- 
ing the reason of his being thus equipped, he said, had we intended 
any harm, they would have fought us. They had piled up stones on 
their small circular towers, by the path side, to throw at us as we advan- 
ced, which proves how ignorant they still are, some of them, of the 
effects of fire-arms. He offered me his house, and several houses of his 
party for the night. He informed me that the village was divided into 
two parties, and that he could answer for the peaceful intentions of his own 
party, but not for the other. He said he had suffered much since I had 
last seen him, having quarrelled, fought, and found his match in a fellow 
villager, who had burnt his house and grain, and made him almost a 
beggar. In the evening, over a brisk fire, I succeeded in obtaining 
some of their martial ideas ; bringing his shield, which was covered over 
with the hair of the foes he had killed, and carefully unwrapping a 
cloth off two pieces of ratan covered with the hair of his sisters, he 
placed them on each side of his shield, and commenced springing about 
with very great agility, spinning his spear round all the time. He then 
showed me, with an air of very great pride, the two ratans covered with 
hair, and said that they could only be worn by warriors who had killed 
many of their enemies, and brought in their heads, who are then en- 
titled to receive some locks of hair from each sister, tied on ratan, 
which they are obliged to wear on their shield, in the manner above des- 
cribed. They consider certain Nagas their natural enemy, over whom 
gaining any advantage would be great honor. On my inquiring who 
his enemies were, he very innocently replied, the Beren Nagas, and 
those about Simkir ; his feud with the Beren Nagas having arisen from 
a quarrel he had had with some of the Nagas of that village, at the salt 
wells near Sumoogoding. On my telling him that I had come up on 
purpose to suppress the aggressions committed in that quarter, he re- 
plied that he was aware of it, and had not been out since I was last up 
on their hills, and that he had assisted the Dak wal, who had foolishly 
gone up after me. The latter case was true, but whether the former was, 
or not, was impossible to say ; though as no aggressions from this quar- 
ter have been heard of this year, it is probably true. Leaving Jykamee 
on the 8rd, we followed the route by which Captains Jenkins and Pem- 
berton came, for a short way, and then turning to the left, entered the 
villagers’ cultivations, on which we found the tea tree growing in the 

960 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [No. 106. 

most luxuriant manner, uncared for, and unknown; in the rice fields 
it springs up in all directions in fine bushes, from the roots of old trees 
which had been cut down by the Nagas in clearing their lands for culti- 
vation ; the leaves of the plants found in the rice fields were much broad- 
er, and of a deeper green colour (some leaves tinged with yellow) than 
those obtained in the forest. It grows in many places on the low hills 
in this neighbourhood, and appears a very hardy tree. The greatest size 
which the trees I saw attained, were from two or three inches in dia- 
meter and fifteen or fifty feet high ; the jungle causing them to run up this 
way to get at the air and light. The country it is found in, is very like 
that about the environs of the falls of the Jumonah, where there is but 
little doubt that tea would grow equally as well as it does on the 
Naga hills. I am informed by a Burmese who was formerly on the 
frontiers of China, that in the districts of Taongbine and Taongmah, 
the Polong inhabitants cultivate nothing else but the tea tree, and that 
from one description alone four varieties of tea are obtained, which he 
described in the following manner—First kind, from the buds, called in 
Burmese Shuabee. Second kind, when two leaves only have shot forth, 
called Kugengoo. Third kind, when five and four leaves have shot forth, 
called Kugeyenka. And the fourth kind when in five and six leaves, 
called Kyeot. The latter is drank only by the common people. In ap- 
pearance it is exactly the same as that found about Jykamee. The hills 
on which the Polong people live, are much higher than those we disco- 
vered the tea on in the Naga hills, 

Passing over these low hills, we came to a small plain, on which we 
found ginger growing wild. It was quickly dug up by the Shans for 
medicinal purposes, who said it was to be found growing in the same 
state, only in the Singhpo country. Crossing several feeders of the 
Desem or Unurue river, we ascended to the village called by the 
Munipoorees, Ookusuha, and by the Nagas about this part, Terriamah, 
or by the Nagas on the Cachar hills, Umponglo. The villagers, as 
they did last time I passed their village, offerred us no opposition, but 
showed us a place to encamp upon, and assisted to clear away the 
jungle for that purpose, for which I gave them presents. There is no 
good ground near the village for encamping on, but before ascending 
to it there is a small stream on which Captains Pemberton and 
Jenkins formed their camp, which is a good place for halting at coming 

1840. ] Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 961 

from Jykamee, and prior to crossing the great range. There is also 
another spot beyond the ridge Terriamah is situated on, which is im- 
mediately beneath the great range on the Desem or Unurue river. 

4th. February. Ascended the great range by the path followed by 
Captains Jenkins and Pemberton. The ascent was extremely steep 
and harassing to the coolies, and we did not reach the small river 
beneath the Haplongmee, till 3. rp. m. Haplongmee is called by the 
Nagas about here Konomah, which is equivalent to the Sinpalo of the 
Nagas about Beren, and the Cachar hills. 

5th. We started from Haplongmee in search of the Muniporee 
detachment, which was to have met us there, and encamped on the 
Tobool or Tzupfoo river, in the fence erected by the Munipoorees on | 
their return route; but my party only taking up one quarter of the 

ground they did, I was obliged to make the fences much smaller. I 

calculated the force of the Munipooree detachment at 400 men, judg- 
ing from the extent of ground it covered. The Nagas after promis- 
ing to show us the route to the place where we might find the Muni- 
poorees, or at any rate to the next village, began to slip off one by one, 
after we had moved a short way from their village. 

6th. Passing a short way up the bed of the Toobool, or Tzupfoo 
river, we turned to the right, and ascended a slight ridge. The country 
about this is extremely rugged and repulsive in appearance, being 
composed chiefly of high rocky ranges, with but little flat ground 
at their bases. The sides of the ridges are covered with low bushes, 
and small quantities of grass, and here and there a stunted fir or 
two. I saw some apple trees which had been planted by the 
Nagas ; also, in the vale in which we encamped, willows growing along 
the ditches, as in parts of Europe. The climate I should say was good, 
it was moderately warm in the day, and cold at night, with sharp hoar 
frosts on the ranges. All the water in our mugs and pots was thickly 
frozen during the night we remained at this place. 

7th. Not thinking that I should find the Munipoorees by advancing 
further, after the misrepresentations we had received, I turned to 
retrace my steps to Konomah or Hoplongmee, hoping to be able to 
make a detour and visit Ikare and Singpagee ; and proceeded down to 
our former encamping ground on the Toobool, or Tzupfoo river. The 
fences and huts had been destroyed by the Hoplongmee Nagas, but we 
soon erected others. 

962 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [ No. 106. 

8th. Advanced to the heights before entering Hoplongmee. I 
found some difficulty in procuring information regarding the customs 
of the Nagas of these parts, on account of their suspicious character, 
and fear of answering my questions, which they think might tend to 
discover some of the exceeding cunning habits which they possess. 
They are very fond of argument, and have recourse to it immediately 
they become aware that they are not able to cope with their enemy 
viet armis, aud do not scruple to resort to the most absurd falsehoods 
to try and intimidate their opponents. 

They are, like most mountaineers, very uncleanly, and their habi- 
tations are seldom or ever cleared of the filth of ages. The houses 
are large, and are generally divided into two apartments, in which they 
live and keep their grain, animals, &c. One family only resides in one 
house. When not obliged to work, the men are lazily inclined, and 
spend their mornings generally in sipping a species of fermented 
liquor, but when pushed to labour, they are very active, and work very 
cheerfully to some merry song. Their reaping song in particular 
struck me as being exceedingly wild and pretty. They form a line of 
men, women and children, and advance together, singing in chorus and 
cutting down the crop. They cultivate several kinds of vetches and 
peas, and have four or five species of rice, some grown on the mountains, 
and some in the vales. The latter are produced on lands that have 
been shaped out in steps and are irrigated by the innumerable streams, 
rivulets, &c. found at the base of nearly all the mountains. . 

They breed cows, pigs, goats, fowls, and dogs, and eat of nearly every 
living animal; in fact I do not know of a single exception, rats, 
snakes, monkeys, tigers, elephants, being all equally tasteful to them. 
I was informed that Konoma, or Hoplongmee, is composed of 300 
houses, half of which are Angamee and half Dewan Nagas, but they 
unite and join in all pillaging expeditions with the two Angamee 
villages of Mozomah (Ikaree) and Khamona (Impagee), both of 500 
houses strong. The three villages, to keep up their tie of alliance, are 
required to give a united feast once a year, each village sending 
a cow and other articles for the occasion. The villages at the northern 
base of the great range are an admixture of the Angamee and Dewan 
tribes. The Angamees are known to the Nagas by the name of 
Khunomah, and the tribe known by the Cacharee name of Dewansa, 
is called Thungeemah; a difference must be observed between the 


1840. | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 963 

names of Khunomah and Konomah, the latter being the name of 
the village of Hoplongmee, and the former of the Angamee tribe 
and of an Angamee village. I could not obtain any accounts of 
the origin of this singular tribe, who appear to have been a small 
colony established in the midst of a number of tribes, who, from their 
daring and martial character, have held all the surrounding tribes 
in awe, and after increasing itself into three or four villages, has com- 
pletely gained a supremacy over its neighbour, and although the latter 
boasted of a much greater number of villages, though not so large as 
the Angamees, and a larger tribe, they are not able to attack them 
in return, from their want of unity and confidence. The attacks 
of all these wild tribes are looked upon in no other light than 
authorized martial exploits against their natural enemies, which sin- 
gular to say, they consider all Nagas not of their own tribe. Now 
however that they are attacked by them in return, they are becoming 
less inclined to continue their former distant maurauding expeditions, 
and confine themselves merely to the revenge of any injury they 
may have, or fancy they have, received. The Dewan tribe, I imagine 
‘has obtained that name from having formerly either resided on, or come 
from beyond the Dooyang or Dewan river. 

From the village of Yang, another tribe springs up, whose dialect is 
different from either the Angamee or Dewan Nagas, and who are called 
by the former tribe Zamee. Beyond the Doyang, other large tribes of 
Nagas exist ; Lotah, Nemsang, &c. &c. these tribes I am informed differ 
from those to the west of that river, and are under their respective 
chiefs, whose authority they acknowledge, which is contrary to the sys- 
tem of the Thuggeemah (Dewan) and Angamees. The latter tribes when 
about to undertake any expedition, assemble the aged and fighting 
men of their villages to discuss the matter over, and the greatest 
bullies generally succeed in getting their wishes adopted. 

The Nagas of these parts acknowledge the power of three gods. The 
first is known by the name of Rapoo, to whom they sacrifice cows and 
bulls only. He is the chief, and has the power of killing or curing. 
The second is called Humaadee, to whom they sacrifice dogs ; and the 
third Rampaow, to whom they sacrifice cocks and offer liquor. They 
said, they had all three the power of killing or curing in different dis- 
eases. Their marriage ceremony is nearly the same as that of the 

Rengma Nagas, 

964 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [No. 106. 

Landed property is hereditary, and is cultivated for ages by the pro- 
prietors. In building houses, neighbours are required by custom to 
assist each other, for which they are feasted by the person whose house 
they are building. On deaths of fathers occurring, the property is 
divided, and all the family share, the house going to the eldest son, 
unless he has one of his own, when the mother retains it. 

The barter value of different articles at the village of Hoplongmee 
was as follows, a cow is valued at 10 or 12 conch shells. 

A pig & sit. 2iditto. 

A fowl ws » 1 packet of salt. 

A goat me » 2 conch shells. 

A male slave ij »» 1 cow and 8 conch shells. 
A female ditto. Ee », 98 ditto, and 4 and 5 ditto. 

The children of slaves are slaves. 

The climate of Hoplongmee is in the month of February very fine, 
the days are mild, and the nights very clear and cold, and a strong 
hoar frost rests on the ground till 8 a.m.—I found wild raspberries 
growing on the hills in the vicinity, and some nettles resembling those 
found in Europe. The hills are of considerable altitude, and those in 

the immediate neighbourhood of Hoplongmee covered with stunted a 

grass, with wooded patches on their sides. The alpine scenery is ex- 
tremely fine, and few sights could exceed the grandeur and fearful 
appearance of astorm rolling slowly through these mountain chains. We 
experienced some very high bleak winds on them. 

The Nagas have several ways of prophesying the success of any ex- 
pedition they are going on. One is by cutting a soft reed with their 
spear head into flat pieces, and if the slices fall to the ground one way, 
success is sure to fall in the opposite direction intended ; according to 
the number fallen that way, so will be the proportion of ill luck ; suc- 
cess by another mode is by the means of the flight of a cock. If he 
flies strong and far, it is a favourable sign; but if, on the contrary, he 
should fly weakly, and to no distance, ill luck is sure to ensue. In going 
on an expedition, if a deer cross their path they return, and defer their 
trip till some other day. This same superstition prevails also amongst 
the Shan tribes, with the slight difference, that if a deer cross their path 
from right to left, they proceed, but ifin the opposite direction, i. e. from 
left to right, they return immediately, considering it a warning not to 
proceed upon any expedition. 

1840. | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 965 

Leaving about 9 a. M., we crossed the great range, and after a very 
fatiguing march, did not encamp on the Unurue or Desem river till 
dusk of evening; we this day reached a stream, three miles to the south 
of Jykamee, the distance from that village to the base of the great range 
being rather too far for the coolies. 

15th February—Quitting at 64 a. m. an hour’s march brought 
us to Jykamee. We encamped this day on the Desem river, at the 
southern base of the Sumoogoding hill. 

We discovered the tea tree growing in the neighbourhood of camp 
in a very luxuriant manner, the country is of the same description 
of low hills, as found in the vicinity of Jykamee. 

19th. Marched round the village, to avoid going through it, as the 
Nagas seemed to have much objection to it, and met some Nagas from 
other villages. 

20th. Leaving Pepamee, and proceeding for about a mile, we came to 
some trees, in which I halted the party ; we encamped upon a small 
stream about four miles from Pepamee. In the evening we observed their 
beacons alight (on high hills) in all directions, which I found out 
were signals of our position, and movements; the number of beacons 
burning at the same time, being the signal of our advance, retirement, 
or halting place ; the path was very good, over a ridge of low hills. 

21st. Our progress was very slow, and although the distance to 
Juppmah was four or five miles, we did not arrive there till 3 p. ma. We 
entered the village through a narrow lane, with a stone wall on either 
side, and a bamboo trellis work over it, and a single plank of consider- 

able thickness as a door. This village was a very old one, of about 

300 houses, although report always augmented the number to 500 ; it is 
composed of half Angamee and half Dewan Nagas. Some of their stools 
or bedsteads were very large, cut out of a single tree, and they held 
them in great esteem ; their iron instruments being of the most infe- 
rior description, it must have taken them considerable time and 
labour to cut out the trees. We found a great quantity of rice in 
the jungle, of four or five different kinds. 

The Rengma river winds past the western foot of the hill this village 
is situated on. On a hill on its right bank, bearing from Juppmah 
554, is the village of Bephomee. The country about this is composed 
of good sized mountains, though of much less altitude than those of the 

966 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [No. 106. 

great range, averaging from two to three thousand feet high. The 
Sumoogoding range, after admitting the Desem river through it to 
the east of that village, continues in a north-eastern direction till it 
is again broken by the Rengma river passing through it, and it finally 
ends at the Doyang river; the hills on the eastern bank of the latter 
river extending down its course to about. the parallel of latitude of 
Mohong Dhejooa. The mountain on which Juppmah is situated, over- 
looks the Sumoogoding ridge, and the whole country is visible up to 
the Rengma Naga hills, to the west of the Dhunsiri; the eye extending 
over a vast dark looking forest plain, with the course of the Rengma 
winding through it, till it is lost sight of in the distance. The hills to 
the east, between the Rengma and Doyang river, are of a far less 
height than those to the west of the former river, and run in parallel 
ridges, east and west. The largest mountains lay in detached ridges 
to the south of the great range. 

It appears to me that the latter range would form a well defined 
boundary between Assam and Munipoor, running in an almost uninter- 
rupted straight line from the Meghpoor valley up to the Rengma river, 
a slight bend only taking place to the southward, of not much con- 
sequence, about Berem. 

I regret extremely I was not able to prosecute my examination of 
the country further to the eastward, which I was obliged to give up 
on account of the delay that I had been subjected to in the plains, and 
the lateness of the season at which I entered the hills. Sickness had 
commenced in camp, which made marching very harassing with the 
limited means I had of conveyance. 

27th. After much difficulty in providing conveyance for the sick, I 
left this ground, and returned by the path we had come. 

We encamped in our former fences of the 20th. 

On the 28¢h, reached Meyepamah ; and on the Z9¢h, arrived at Sumoo- 
goding, and found that the whole of the stockade, grain, and property left 
behind, had been destroyed by fire, through the carelessness of a sepoy. 

2nd March. Deeming it imprudent to trust a post at such a distance 
from any civilized population with only a few maunds of grain in a 
weak stockade, and fearing the ill will of the villagers, I brought the 
whole party down to Dhemapoor, where we found 200 maunds of grain 


A short Memoir of Mechithar Ghosh, the Armenian Legislator. By 
JoHannes AvpaLL, Esq, I.A.S. Se. 

Armenia, that favoured portion of the globe, famed in the page 
of ancient and modern history both for its physical resources and 
political changes, is generally admitted to have been prolific in 
giving birth to men of vigorous minds, and no ordinary attain- 
ments, maugre the lamentable disasters consequent on the overthrow 
of the dynasties of its kings, and the invasion of the barbaric hordes, by 
which it was overrun in the various periods of its history. 

The subject of this memoir, Mechithar Ghosh, was born in the 
Armenian era 592, corresponding with Anno Domini 1148, in the 
city of Ganzak,-once the capital of Armenia Major, situated between 
the sea or lake of Gelam and the river Kar, or Cyrus. While in 
his teens, he devoted himself to the study of the Armenian language 
and classical literature, under the able and paternal tuition of the 
learned friar Johannes of Tavaish. His heart burned with a love 
of knowledge, and his whole attention was literally absorbed in the 
acquisition of the learning of his country. The death of his preceptor, 
which imbued his mind with a tinge of melancholy, and subjected 
him to a temporary dejection of spirits, was not allowed to cool his 
ardour in the pursuit of his favourite study. From an association with 
learned men of all ages and all grades, he derived an exhaustless 
fund of knowledge, and was thus enabled to enrich his mind 
with the gems of science and literature. Not content with the 
intellectual riches of which he was already possessed, he repaired 
towards the frontier of the Black mountain,(') then the acknowledged 
centre of all Haican(*) learning and science, and the reputed resort 
of all men of letters and genius, with the view of extending his mental 
acquirements, and attaining to the highest possible eminence amongst 
his contemporaneous literati of Armenia. Here he was received with 
the greatest kindness, and the most marked attention, by his kindred 
spirits; and ultimately had the gratification to see his laudable endea- 
yours crowned with the most triumphant success. He had the merit 

QC) Ubu L fwd ix Armenian. 
(2) Haic 44y4 was the grand progenitor of the Armenians, who are also called 
Haics 2&4 -p ? after his name. 

968 Memoir of Mechithar Ghosh, [No 106. 

of ranking in the list of the most learned and erudite of his age, a 
consummation to which his whole ambition aspired! The extent of his 
learning could only be equalled by the degree of austerity which he 
had imposed on the mode of his life. He was highly esteemed by all, 
for the urbanity of his manners, and rigidness of his moral discipline. 
After a stay of some years in the society of men eminent for their love 
and acquisition of wisdom, he went to-the city of Carin,() (the modern 
Erzertim) preparatory to returning to Ganzak, the land of his birth. 
No sooner had he commenced tasting the sweets of the company of his 
relatives and nearest friends, after a long separation, than he had the 
misfortune to feel the disasters from the inroads of the Scythians, by 
whom that part of the country was cruelly harassed and devastated. 
This induced him to quit his native soil, and to proceed to the province 
of Khachen, where resided Vakhthank, the prince of Hatherka,(*) under 
whose protection he expected to enjoy comparative ease and freedom 
from the molestation of unbelievers. Here he meditated the propriety of 
devoting himseif to a monastic life ; and having determined on this step, 
he bade adieu to his protector, and repaired to the province of Kain, 
where stood a convent, known by the appellation of Ketick.(°) He 
took shelter within the precincts of this monastery, and joined its 
inmates with a full acquiescence in the rules of the institution. 

On the demolition of that convent by the incursions of enemies, he 
constructed a new one on the spot, called the “ Valley of Tanzut.”() 
He also built in this place a church, consecrated by the name of St. 
Gregory the Illuminator,(’) and a small chapel dedicated to St. 
John the Baptist.©) Subsequently, on the increase of the popu- 
lation in that place, he erected another church of solid stone, and 
on a more extensive scale, which was consecrated by the name of the 
holy Deiparous. The erection of this sacred edifice was finished in 

(3) Ywphb Carin is the name of the city of Erzerim, in the classical atlas of 

(*) U faunal Aefeuitth 2w [Fb p.pry in Armenian. 

@ Dbunhh or Pbunkay fustp in Armenian. 

(°) Tanz Subé signifies pear in Armenian. The valley abounded in pears, and 
was therefore called Qgsndoem Tanzut, or full of pears. 

(7) Urcee tebanp Lqeuuenpliy St. Gregory the Illuminator flourished in the 
third century, and evangelised Armenia. 

©) Uaepe SodSuiiobkea Whpnfy in Armenian. 

1840. | the Armenian Legislator. 969 

the year 1191. The convent, newly constructed by him, received 
the name of Ketick,@) which appellation was afterwards applied to 
him, in commemoration of his being the founder of that monastery. 
He was also known by the cognomen Ghosh,(") which appellative was 
added to his Christian name, in consequence of his having very little, or 
no beard; this circumstance is corroborated by the testimony of his 
cotemporary and countryman, Kirakus("') Ganzakensis, who had the 
honour and pleasure of his personal acquaintance and friendship. 
Mechithar Ghosh is known to have been the author of numerous 
works of sterling merit. He wrote a book on human nature, in the 
shape of an address from Adam to his sons, and from Eve to her 
daughters. He also wrote several treatises on the Christian faith, and 
on the Communion of the Altar. His pastoral and admonitory epistles 
are also extant, and afford a proof of his unassuming piety and philan- 
throphy. At the end of this epistolary work he says, ‘“ If I have ever 
erred in addressing these monitory letters to my countrymen, or un- 
intentionally offended those whom I intended to benefit, I am most 
cordially penitent for my error, and readily ask their indulgence and 
forgiveness.” He is also said to have written a commentary on the 
book of Jeremiah, and a great many sacred odes and poetical pieces. 
Some of the latter have been handed down to us, and are pro- 
nounced to be sufficiently elegant and sublime, to stamp him as a 
poet of no ordinary kind. His composition of ‘‘ Choice Fables,” is a 
combination of the utile dulci, and indicates his capacity to unite 
a great deal of instruction with much amusement. Of all the works of 
Mechithar Ghosh, the latter is the only one that has ever been 
printed. It was published by the Mechitharistic('”) Society of Venice, 
on the 18th of January 1790. The chief recommendation of these 
Fables is, their originality, for which they are considered to be far 

(°) The subject of this memoir was also called Wblémp Gfunkuy Mechithar of 

(1°) Ghosh (ez in Armenian signifies Puupd or Puppy > vulgo Powmwh >» and in 
English, beardless, or one having very little beard. 

(1) Ghpahau Quttduhegh in Armenian. Kirakus is from the Greek word 
Kuptayoc, andits adoption as a proper name, is very common among the Armenians, 

('*) This Society was founded by Mechithar of Sebastia, in the early part of the 
eighteenth century. Its members have been pre-eminently successful in promoting the 
revival of Armenian literature, and the publication of numerous works of considerable 

970 Memoir of Mechithar Ghosh. [ No. 106. 

superior to the “Select Fables of Vartan,” published at Paris in the 
year 1825, with a French translation, by that most indefatigable 
and highly distinguished orientalist, M. J. St. Martin, under the 
auspices of the Asiatic Society of that place. 

But the crowning literary production of this great Leviathan of 
Armenian literature, is the Code of Laws which he concocted, framed, 
and promulgated, in the year 1184, and which has immortalised 
his name as a legislator and first-rate author, in the recollection of 
posterity. In the preparation of this law-book, he availed himself of the 
assistance of Frater Josephus and Frater Paulus, both equally distinguish- 
ed in the page of our national history, for their literary attainments and 
deep research. The laws comprised in this Herculean work are both 
civil and ecclesiastical, and admirably adapted to the state of the Arme- 
nians of those days. Mechithar Ghosh shines more conspicuously in the 
character of a legislator than in that of a divine, a disciplinarian, an 
annotator, a poet, or a fabulist. I have treated, at great length of the 
code of this eminent legislator, in my “ Essay on the Laws and Law- 
Books of the Armenians,”(*) and furnished some specimens of the laws 
contained therein. I must here repeat, what I have already stated 
elsewhere, my deep regret at the total absence of a printed Armenian 
standard Code of Laws, to the great inconvenience and difficulty of the 
Armenians located within the pale of the Honorable Company’s courts 
in this country. Authentic and genuine copies(“) of the law-book of 
Mechithar Ghosh, are to be found in the extensive library of the Me- 
chitharistic Society of Venice. Want of funds to meet the expenses - 
of printing, if I am correctly informed, is the only cause of the non- 
publication of this valuable work of antiquity ; which, if published, would 
unquestionably be considered one of paramount interest and utility to 
the Armenian nation in general, and to the Armenian colonists of 
Bengal in particular. If the Armenians living under the jurisdiction 
of the Zillah courts of this country, be really willing to promote the 
security of the property of their children, let them step forward with 

('°) Which will shortly be published. . 
(‘*) Since writing the above, I have been credibly informed that correct and elegantly 
written copies of this book are also kept in the library of Etchmiatchin. It is to be 

hoped that the work in question will speedily be published, either at Venice or Etch- 

1840. | the Armenian Legislator. 971 

their purses unstrung, and, with a spirit of true patriotism, bestow this 
posthumous work of their renowned legislator of the twelfth century, 
as an invaluable boon on their expatriated countrymen of British 

But to return to the immediate subject of this brief memoir. In 
almost all national meetings, and in all synodical proceedings, Mechi- 
thar Ghosh took a willing and active part. He was present in the 
grand council, convened in 1178, at Hiromclah,(*) having for its object 
the formation of a union between the Armenian and Greek churches. 
His presence was also considered to be indispensably necessary in the 
two synods, respectively assembled at Lori and Ani, in the province of 
Shirak, between the years 1205 and 1207, for the express purpose of 
reconciling differences and dissensions, provoked by uneasy and turbulent 
spirits. He was desired by a particular invitation, bearing the signa- 
tures of the principal ecclesiastical dignitaries, to favour them with his 
attendance. He attended the council of Lori, but sent an apology 
for his inability to be present in the synod of Ani. Advanced age, 
aggravated by bodily infirmities, was the unavoidable cause of his ab- 
sence from that assembly. He sent, however, his vote in writing, 
expressive of his acquiescence in the proceedings of the majority of 
the meeting. Not quite contented with this, and unsuccessful in 
bringing the affairs of the meeting to a satisfactory termination, the 
assembled Bishops persuaded Mechithar Ghosh, by repeating their soli- 
citations in writing, to honour the assembly with his presence. The 
meeting stood adjourned, waiting his arrival with no small degree of 
anxiety. ‘* Hasten,” said they in their letter, “‘to our succour, for we 
are sadly divided; and the division cannot be healed but by a sweet 
word from your lips. Your apology for your advanced age and bodily 
infirmities, is inadmissible. Should you be visited by death on your 
journey hither, we shall hold your memory in reverence by a suitable 
and lasting monument, worthy of the public virtues of the best of 
our divines. Only hasten to our succour!” Mechithar Ghosh complied 
with their wishes, however fatiguing and wearisome the journey to 

a valetudinarian of his age and description. His presence at the assem- 

(5) 2andkpuy in Armenian. The etymological signification of Hiromclah is the 
castle of Rome. It was an impregnable fortress in the twelfth century, and belonged 
to the Count of Jocelyn during the days of the Crusaders, Z 


972 Memoir of Mechithar Ghosh, the Armenian Legislator. (No. 106. 

bly had an electric effect. A short address from him, judiciously and 
temperately worded, calmed and soothed the assembled multitude. 
The differences and dissensions were buried in the waters of Lethe; 
peace and unanimity restored ; and the assembly dispersed to the satis- 
faction of all parties. 

Such a wonderful character was Mechithar Ghosh ; and so universally 
esteemed, admired, honoured and respected by his countrymen, for his 
public and private virtues. The qualities of his mind kept pace with the 
qualities of his heart. He attained to a good patriarchal age, and 
terminated his earthly career, Anno Domini 1213, and his remains were 
interred in the convent of Ketick, with every demonstration of honour 
and affection becoming the memory of so great and useful a man. 

He had a great number of pupils, several of whom survived him, 
and rendered themselves distinguished by their literary productions, 
and acts of public utility. I cannot better conclude the memoir of 
this very learned and truly excellent man, than in the words of his 
countryman and contemporary, Kirakus Ganzakensis :-— 

Qudate gpk Ghpuhaw - °° Puaqaedp Eft agp wwhbanbgut fh Uist 
* duppwmbuuhat pup > puiigqh Sadpur foliaunne (thu ‘ngs Sasa. 
“ hGgun pin dkbwjh nbqho > b. gay wr. tos yrds Gaqdisig + put. 
gb gun winewt frpry dfobltwmpbp qudbibufs +. + + + pwi.p Unpw wp. 
 ghetushutp bk pb gunpSop + + + duu uyuafuf Sadpurry paged opp 
‘Ebb fb hupgh dupgugiin SuShei qht.pbwiu> bk qguyfib’f huopgh 
§ wubb puny Gaya > o_uatb hf pdt > wattine ft dépunft Spanish: 
Be punqaedp yuzuhb pang inpas Sasufh *f murnfi ferpranyh nha 2” 

‘“‘'There were many who availed themselves of the benefit of his 
indoctrination. The fame of his learning had spread far and wide, 
and attracted pupils from all parts of the country. He comforted them 
all, pursuant to the literal meaning of his own name !(°) His words and 
instruction were beneficial, and full of merit and grace! Owing to the 
celebrity of his name, many who had been invested with the degree of 
professorship, scrupled to acknowledge their own dignity, and went to 
him with the profession of pupilage on their lips. They were indoc- 
trinated by him, and newly received order. Several of his pupils had 
the merit of being honored with the doctoral degree.” 

(©) Mechithar [ffup(duwp etymologically signifies comforter, comforting, comfort- 
able, comfort, in the Armenian language. 


Letter, forwarding a paper on the formation of the Museum of Economie 
Geology of India, from Captain 'TREMENHEERE, Engineers, to H. 
Torrens, Esq. Secretary to the Asiatic Society. 

Caleutia, 27th January, 1841. 

I have the honour to state for the information of the President and 
Members of the Asiatic Society, that the collection of specimens form- 
ing the basis of a Museum of Economic Geology, is placed in the room 
which the Society has been pleased to appropriate to that purpose. 

I regret that my stay in Calcutta is so short that I shall be unable 
to complete the labelling of the specimens before my departure for 
Moulmein. The labels are, however, all prepared, and Mr. Piddington 
has kindly undertaken to place them near to each specimen, so as to 
render them distinctly legible. Corresponding printed numbers, which 
are also ready, are to be affixed to the specimens themselves, the num- 
bers now attached being only of a temporary description. 

To provide, as far as possible, for obtaining specimens of Indian 
mineral products, &c., and to explain the principles and objects of a 
Museum of this description, I have prepared a memorandum, in 
which I have endeavoured to describe the substances which it is con- 
sidered desirable to collect, and the indications by which localities, 
which are likely to afford them may be traced in such a manner as to 
require little or no previous acquaintance with mineralogy or geology, 
to render contributions useful and illustrative. 

A similar communication has been made to the Government of 
Bengal, with a view of increasing the collection of specimens suited to 
the objects proposed ; and should your Society concur in the sugges- 
tions contained in the paper herewith enclosed, its communication to 
the corresponding members of your Society, may prove of service to 
the Museum of Economic Geology, now forming. 

It is my intention, in compliance with a suggestion from Govern- 
ment to that effect, to maintain a correspondence, during my absence, 
with the Curator of your Museum, by which, and by personal com- 
munication, on any occasional visit which I may make to Calcutta, I 
shall be able to arrange for the disposal of specimens, which the Cura- 
tor may receive, in furtherance of the views herein alluded to. 

974 Museum of Economie Geology of India. [ No. 106. 


Numerous specimens of coal, and of ores of the . useful metals, 
recently received by Government from the Court of Directors, have 
been placed, with the consent of the Asiatic Society, in one of the 
Society’s rooms, at their house in Park Street, where they are arranged 
for public inspection. These specimens form part of a collection, to 
which it is intended that additions shall be made, until a complete 
series, exhibiting the mineral products of Great Britain shall be ob- 
tained; exemplifying at the same time, their modes of occurrence in 
rock formations, and the processes of converting the rough ores to the 
metallic state. With this view communications have been opened 
with the Director of the Geological Survey of England, for the supply 
and interchange of specimens suited to the objects proposed. 

Simultaneously with these, it is proposed to collect, with the aid of 
Engineer Officers, Officers of the Revenue Survey, and by donations 
from individuals interested in the subject, specimens of similar pro- 
ducts and processes of manufacture of this country, which will be ar- 
ranged in a manner convenient for comparison with the foregoing, and 
for exhibiting at one view the mineral resources of India. 

To these will be added specimens of soils, and other substances, 
showing the application of Geology to Agriculture; specimens of ma- 
terials used for public buildings, and for roads ; models of machinery 
adapted to mining and agriculture in India; and, lastly, records of 
mining operations which have been undertaken, or are still in progress. 

Materials will thus be obtained, at no distant date, for a Museum 
designed to illustrate the application of geology to the useful purposes 
of life, to be entitled ‘““ The Museum of Economic Geology of India.” 

The Museum already possesses a series of specimens of British coal 
and ironstone from the South Wales and South Staffordshire districts, 
from the forest of Dean, and from Newcastle. In British tin and copper 
ores, chiefly from Cornwall, the collection may be considered complete. 

The collection of specimens, exhibiting the various stages of metal- 
lurgical processes, comprises illustrative series of iron-smelting, and 
manufacture, as practised in South Wales; of the tin smelting of 
Cornwall ; and of copper smelting, as practised at Swansea. To these, 
it is intended to add the Bristol mode of manufacturing brass and the 

1840. | Museum of Economic Geology of India. 975 

new and old methods of reducing zinc from its ores. Other mineral 
substances employed in the arts and manufactures will also be includ- 
ed, such as those illustrative of porcelain, common earthenware, pot- 
tery, fire bricks, and other manufactures from clays and their com- 
pounds, and of metallic oxides and earths employed as pigments, 
showing the mode in which they may be usefully and permanently 
associated with each other; as well as a series showing the important 
manufacture of glass. 

In the agricultural section, specimens of Indian soils and subsoils, 
or subjacent rocks, will be collected, with information of the mode of 
treatment and usual produce of the land, together with the conditions 
of exposure and meteorological influences to which it is subject. By 
analyzing such specimens, the connection of agricultural products with 
the chemical and physical properties of the soil, as well the mineral 
and vegetable substances most fitted for increasing the fertility of the 
land, will be ascertained ; and the results being compared with others 
similarly obtained in this, or in other countries,* correct principles will 
be established, either for the introduction of new products of cultiva- 
tion, or for the improvement of those already existing. The substra- 
tum of soils being generally an element in their relative fertility, an in- 
spection of these alone would lead to suggestions of much value to the 
cultivator, and to a knowledge of the geological character of the upper 
surface of the country from which they may be taken. 

Another section will comprise stones, slates, marbles, porphyries, 
ornamental granites, and other building materials, as mortars, cements, 
and other artificial compounds, applicable to architectural and engi- 
neering purposes. 

A focus will thus be presented, to concentrate all information relating 
to the Economic Geology of India, and it is considered that a collec- 
tion of natural products, such as it will contain, may serve to point out 
localities which would be worthy of attention; and by exciting the in- 

* We have learnt, while this Memorandum is passing through the press, that a far 
wider interest is taken at home in the improvement of India in connection with its 
agriculture, then has ever heretofore been the case. Our acting Curator, Mr. Pidding- 
ton, having requested Mr. Stikeman the Secretary to the East India and China Asso- 
ciation to procure for him’some sugar soils from the West Indies, for comparative an- 
alysis with those of India, the Mauritius, &c, Mr. Stikeman applied to Lord John Rus- 
sell, who, upon the recommendation of Sir John Cam Hobhouse, has kindly obtained an 
assortment of soils from the West Indies, and their arrival here is daily expected.—Ep. 

976 Museum of Economic Geology of India. [ No. 106. 

terest of the private speculator, tend to develop the mineral and agri- 
cultural resources of the country. An efficient means would also be 
afforded, of imparting instruction to native youths, whose services may 
be made available towards the gradual accomplishment of the objects 
proposed, with reference to the vast extent of territory which is open 
to investigation. 

It will be perceived from the above, that this Museum is not intend- 
ed for the reception of specimens of rocks or fossils to illustrate points 
of theoretical geology, but to exhibit those substances occurring occa- 
sionally in the solid crust of the earth and others, which are applica- 
ble to the useful purposes of life. 

To those therefore, who may be requested, or who may be desirous 

Mineral substances. to afford assistance in furtherance of the objects 
here set forth, it will be sufficient to state, that, any mineral or metallic 
substances, accompanied by specimens of the rocks in which they are 
found, with descriptions of locality and mode of occurrence, will be of 
service to a Museum of this description. The fissures and crevices 
of rocky strata, either along shores, or in vallies and ravines, should be 
examined, and indications will often be found in water courses and 
river beds, whereby metallic ores may be traced to the source from 
whence they have been abraded. Tin, gold, and platina are usually 
found in such situations; small rounded masses of the former, denomi- 
nated stream tin, being scarcely distinguishable, save by their higher 
specific gravity, from common pebbles. The sands of rivers should be 
sometimes washed, as should also the alluvial detritus found in valleys 
or beneath the surface of level plains. Indications of copper are often 
afforded by a ferruginous and somewhat friable substance near the sur- 
face, specimens of which are desirable, as they serve often, with practised 
miners, to point the probable prospect of ore beneath. The vicinity of 
rocks, coloured green, blue, &c. may also be worthy of examination. 

If with such specimens, the probable thickness of the stratum of rocks 
in which they occur, its dip, including the angle of. inclination to the 
horizon, and direction of the beds by compass, be given, as well as the 
direction of any fissures that may be observed, it. will enhance the value 
of the information afforded. A convenient size for specimens, is about 
three inches square, and about an inch in thickness, those of the accom- 
panying rock, may be four or four and a half by three inches, and about 

1840. | Museum of Economic Geology of India. 977 

the same thickness. They should be carefully numbered, both on the 
specimens themselves, and on the envelope in which they are wrapped ; 
one copy of the list to which the numbers will refer, should be trans- 
mitted by dawk, and another placed in the box with the specimens. 
Specimens of slates, with the dimensions, quantity, and rate at which 
Building materials. they can be obtained; also of marbles, and building 
stones, cut into six inch cubes, will be desirable. The expense of quarry- 
ing and of transport to the nearest water conveyance should be detailed. 
One side of the cubes should be left to exhibit the exposed or weather- 
ed surface of the rock, the others roughly chiselled. The cubes of 
marble may be polished, except on their under surfaces. 
The quality of water at the issue of springs, and the sediment depo- 
Examination of sited by them, should be particularly noticed, as they 
springs. rise to the surface, generally, at some fault or disloca- 
tion of the strata, and will probably be imbued with matter derived from 
the metallic bodies with which they may have been in contact. Thus, 
water percolating through a bed of coal has often its surface coated 
with a thin film of oxide of iron, derived from the decomposition of 
iron pyrites, diffused through the coal. When traces of coal are dis- 
covered, it would be very desirable to transmit pieces of the strata of 
rock with which it is supposed the coal is associated, stating the extent 
of surface which the deposit is believed to cover, and the depth at 
which it is found; accompanied, if possible, by a vertical section, with 
figured dimensions of the accompanying beds. 
Descriptions of native mining operations, and complete series of 
Operations of mi- Specimens showing the processes followed in the re- 
ning and reduction of duction of ores, in their various stages of progress, 
via to the metallic state, will be highly valued, when 
accompanied by explanations of the modes of procedure. 
Specimens of soils should always be forwarded in connection with 
communications, and inquiries of agricultural interest. 
Soils being generally the upper decomposed portions of subjacent 
Soils. mineral substances, whether hard rocks of various kinds, 
or clays, marls, sands, &c., mingled either naturally or artificially 
with vegetable and animal matter, it becomes very desirable in col- 
lecting specimens of them, that they should be accompanied by 
others of the hard rocks, clays, marls, sands, &c., on which they rest ; 

978 Museum of Economic Geology of India. [No. 106. 

so that by careful analysis of the whole, with due attention to climate 
and the other obvious conditions to which they may have been ex- 
posed, some general and useful results may be brought to light, respect- 
ing the soils best fitted for the growth of the various plants usually 
cultivated in this country. | 

In selecting soils for the Museum of Economic Geology, care should 
be taken to obtain fair average specimens of the localities whence it 
may be considered desirable to send them ; and to insure the true sub- 
soil, subjacent hard rock, clay, sands, &c. ; specimens of the latter should 
be obtained as near as possible beneath the spot whence the soil may 
have been so selected, for it sometimes happens, that the soil of a field 
varies in places, from resting upon different kinds of sub-soils. 

The soil above hard rocks is not unfrequently separated from them 
by broken angular fragments, the half-decomposed portions of such hard 
rocks; specimens therefore of sub-soils, or subjacent mineral substan- 
ces should, in such cases, be taken from the solid hard rocks beneath, 
and not from these fragments, which have commonly suffered too much 
decomposition to exhibit the real chemical composition of the rocks 
themselves. These angular fragments must not be confounded with 
gravels, sometimes overspreading hard rocks, to the depth of several feet, 
and chiefly or wholly composed of rounded pebbles, mixed with earthy, 
sandy, or clayey matter, the whole being often derived from a distance ; 
for such gravels then form the true sub-soil, and the soil above them 
would partake of the character of the earth, sand, or clay, mixed with 
the pebbles, with the addition of the decomposed parts of such of the 
latter, as may disintegrate by the effects of the weather upon them. 

The quantity of soil taken as a specimen, should weigh about a 
pound; it should be well dried and tied up in a canvass bag, labelled 
to correspond with a memorandum, in which the general agricultural 
produce of the spot, whence the specimen was taken, should be noted ; 
the kinds of manure known to have been used upon it mentioned ; 
the amount of grain or other crops per beegah stated ; the dimensions 
of the beegah, and the best kind of produce which has been hitherto — 
obtained from it, specified. A loose label should also be inclosed 
within the bag to guard against accidents. As so much depends on 
climate and position, the general character of the seasons should be 
pointed out, and the aspect of the ground, as regards exposure to 

1840. | Museum of Economic Geology of India. 979 

prevalent or hard winds, with any slope the ground may have, and 
its height above the sea should be stated, specifying if possible, the 
general temperature of the locality, and the degrees of greatest heat 
,nd cold annually experienced. 

With respect to specimens of sub-soils, if of marl, sand, or clay, 
portions weighing about a pound, should be dried, tied up in a canvas 
bag, and labelled, to correspond with the respective soils above them. 
If the subjacent rocks be hard, a piece weighing also a pound, and 
fresh broken from the body of the rock, as nearly as possible beneath 
the spot whence any specimen of soil may have been selected, would 
suffice, and should be wrapped in strong brown paper, labelled to 
correspond with the soil above it. As specimens of many sub-soils 
may be rendered valuable for the purpose of illustrating those either 
well or ill suited to the growth of such trees as by their roots pe- 
netrate beneath the upper soil, commonly known as vegetable mould 
or humus, and which upper soil supports the great bulk of the plants 
commonly cultivated; it would be desirable to add a memorandum 
to any specimens which may serve to illustrate points of that kind. 
All specimens of soils should, if possible, be enveloped in wax cloth, 
and even packed in tin cases or cannisters, if any are at hand. 

When a sufficient number of specimens in either of the departments 
here mentioned, has been collected, they should be packed in a box, and 
be sent by the cheapest, most efficient, and safe conveyance, directed— 

On Service. 

The Curator of the Museum of the Asiatic Society, 

For the Museum 
of Economic Geology. 

At the same time a communication should be addressed to the 
Curator of the Museum of the Asiatic Society, under cover to 

| The Secretary to the Government of Bengal, 
Fort William, 

stating the conveyance by which the specimens have been forwarded, 
with copies of the memoranda attached to them, referring to numbers on 
| the specimens, in order, as much as possible, to prevent their loss. 
Calcutta : 
| 22nd January, 1841. 

980 Museum of Economic Geology of India. [No. 106. 

I have printed with unfeigned pleasure, the foregoing memorandum, 
to the value of which no recommendation can add. Every friend to India, 
whether connected with the Society or not, will, it is earnestly hoped, aid 
in accomplishing the great ends, to which, by the liberality of the Court of 
Directors and of the Government of India, it may now aim; viz. the full 
development of the agricultural and mineral resources of the country. 
Since this memoir was read to the Society, the following contributions 
to the Museum of Economic Geology, in addition to the collections sent 

out by the Court of Directors, under the care of Capt. Tremenheere, have 
been received. 

Specimens of cotton, coffee, sugar, tobacco, and 
tea soils, &c. from India, the Mauritius, United States, 
Nie Pildineton sich es: &c. of which “as, are analysed. 
Acta Cabator 1 Specimens of Burdwan iron ores : analysed. 
: 5 Specimens of the earths used in the curious red 
As. Soc. Museum. a g 
glazing of the native sugar pans. 
Specimen of white clay from Ro